As highlighted in this prior post, numerous FCPA reform bills in the 1980's included a specific defense which stated a company would not be held vicariously liable for a violation of the FCPA’s anti-bribery provisions by its employees or agents, who were not an officer or director, if the company established procedures reasonably designed to prevent and detect FCPA violations by employees and agents. An FCPA reform bill containing such a provision did pass the U.S. House, but was not enacted into law.
Amending the FCPA to include a compliance defense is one of the U.S. Chamber's FCPA reform proposals (see here). In November 2010, Andrew Weissman, on behalf of the Chamber, testified in favor of a compliance defense (and other reform proposals) during the Senate's FCPA hearing (see here for the prior post) and during the House hearing earlier this month (see here for the prior post), former Attorney General Michael Mukasey, on behalf of the Chamber, also testified in favor of a compliance defense (and other reform proposals).
During the House hearing, there appeared to be bi-partisan support for consideration of an FCPA compliance defense.
Even so, Greg Andres, testifying on behalf of the DOJ, stated that a potential FCPA compliance defense was "novel and risky" and that the "time is not right to consider it."
Public debate on a potential compliance defense has thus far focused, from a comparative standpoint, on the United Kingdom and Italy.
The purpose of this post is to further inform the public debate on a potential compliance defense by highlighting various compliance-like defenses around the world in other countries that are signatories (like the U.S.) to the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention.
This post is further to my work in progress - Revisiting an FCPA Compliance Defense - and represents hours of research analyzing 38 OECD Country Reports.
The post provides an overview of compliance-like defenses in the following OECD Convention signatory countries: Australia, Chile, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Japan, Korea, Poland, Portugal, Sweden, and Switzerland. [The U.K. Bribery Act, set to go live on July 1st, also contains a compliance-like defense in Section 7].
A first reaction might be - only 12 of the 38 OECD member countries have a compliance-like defense.
However, this number must be viewed against the backdrop of the following dynamics: (i) in many OECD Convention signatory countries, the concept of legal person criminal liability (as opposed to natural person criminal liability) is non-existent; and (ii) in many OECD Convention signatory countries that do have legal person criminal liability, such legal person liability can only result from the actions of high-level executive personnel or other so-called "controlling minds" of the legal person.
Obviously if a foreign country does not provide for legal person liability, there is no need for a compliance defense, and the rationale for a compliance defense is less compelling if legal exposure can result only from the conduct of high-level executive personnel or other "controlling minds."
When properly viewed against these dynamics, a compliance-like defense (whether specifically part of a foreign country's "FCPA-like" law or otherwise generally part of a foreign country's legal principles) is far from a "novel" idea, but rather common among OECD Anti-Bribery Convention signatory countries that - like the U.S. - have legal person criminal liability that can attach based on the conduct of non-executive officers or other "controlling minds."
[The below information is based strictly on OECD country reports and is subject to the qualification that in many instances the most recent information concerning a particular country may be several years old. If anyone has more recent information concerning any particular country, how the compliance defense in a particular country has worked in practice, or any other relevant information, please leave a comment on this site or contact me at mjkoehle@butler.edu]
*****
Australia
Australian law implementing the OECD Convention entered into force on December 18, 1999.
Thereafter, a section of the Criminal Code on corporate criminal liability came into full force establishing an organizational model for the liability of legal persons. “Bodies corporate” are liable for offences committed by “an employee, agent or officer of a body corporate acting within the actual or apparent scope of his or her employment, or within his or her actual or apparent authority” where the body corporate “expressly, tacitly, or impliedly authorised or permitted the commission of the offence”.
Pursuant to the Criminal Code, authorisation or permission by the body corporate may be established in the following ways: (1) the board of directors intentionally, knowingly or recklessly carried out the conduct, or expressly, tacitly or impliedly authorised or permitted it to occur; (2) a high managerial agent intentionally, knowingly or recklessly carried out the conduct, or expressly, tacitly or impliedly authorised or permitted it to occur; (3) a corporate culture existed that directed, encouraged, tolerated or led to the offence; or (4) the body corporate failed to create and maintain a corporate culture that required compliance with the relevant provision.
However, under the Criminal Code, “if a high managerial agent is directly or indirectly involved in the conduct, no offence is committed where the body corporate proves that it “exercised due diligence to prevent the conduct, or the authorisation or permission."
Chile
Chilean law implementing the OECD Convention entered into force on October 8, 2002.
In December 2009, a separate Chilean law entered into force establishing criminal responsibility of legal persons for a limited list of offences including bribery of foreign public officials.
In order for a legal person to be held responsible for a foreign bribery offence, the following “three cumulative requirements” must be satisfied: (1) the offence must be committed by a person acting as a representative, director or manager, a person exercising powers of administration or supervision, or a person under the “direction or supervision” of one of the aforementioned persons; (2) the offence must be committed for the direct and immediate benefit or interest of the legal entity. No offence is committed where the natural person commits the offence exclusively in his/her own interest or in the interest of a third party; and (3) the offence must have been made possible as a consequence of a failure of the legal entity to comply with its duties of management and supervision. An entity will have failed to comply with its duties if it violates the obligation to implement a model for the prevention of offences, or when having implemented the model, it was insufficient."
As to the final element, the OECD report states as follows. “The final cumulative requirement for responsibility stresses that the offence must have been made possible as a consequence of the failure of the legal person to comply with its duties of administration and supervision. The entity will have failed to comply with its duties if it violated the obligation to implement a model for the prevention of offences, or when having implemented the model, the latter was insufficient. It shall be considered that the functions of direction and supervision have been met if, before the commission of the offense, the legal person had adopted and implemented organization, administration and supervision models, pursuant to the following article, to prevent such offenses as the one committed.”
The minimum features of a prevention system under the law are as follows: identify the different activities or processes of the entity, whether habitual or sporadic, in whose context the risk of commission of the offences emerges or increases; establish protocols, rules and procedures that permit persons involved in above-mentioned activities or processes to program and implement their tasks or functions in a manner that prevents the commission of the indicated offences; identify procedures for the administration and auditing that allow the entity to impede their use in the listed offences; establish internal administrative sanctions, as well as procedures for reporting or pursuing pecuniary responsibility against persons who violate the prevention system; introduce the above-mentioned duties, prohibitions and sanctions into the internal regulations of the legal person, and ensure that they are known by all persons bound to apply it (workers, employees, and service providers).
The OECD report states - as to the minimum requirements as follows. “It also aims to introduce a system of self-regulation by companies. Having a code of conduct on paper will not be sufficient to avoid responsibility. If prosecutors can prove that the code does not meet the minimum requirements of or that it is not implemented, the company can be responsible for the offence.”
Under Chilean law, “the failure to comply with duties of management and supervision is an element of the offence rather than a defence. Therefore the burden of proof lies on prosecutors, i.e. it will be up to prosecutors to prove that the entity failed to comply with its duties of management and supervision.”
The OECD report notes as follows. “This will require prosecutors to prove that the company failed in the design and/or implementation of the offense prevention model including why, in the circumstances, the prevention model was insufficient. This would appear to also require the prosecutor to establish that this failure made perpetration of the offence possible.”
As noted in the OECD report, the Chilean “standard of liability is inspired from the Italian system of liability of legal persons" (discussed below).
Germany
German law implementing the OECD Convention entered into force on February 15, 1999.
German law establishes the liability of legal persons, including liability for the foreign bribery offence, under an administrative (i.e. non-criminal form) act.
Pursuant to the administrative act, “the liability of legal persons is triggered where any “responsible person” (which includes a broad range of senior managerial stakeholders and not only an authorised representative or manager), acting for the management of the entity commits i) a criminal offence including bribery; or ii) an administrative offence including a violation of supervisory duties which either violates duties of the legal entity, or by which the legal entity gained or was supposed to gain a “profit”.”
As noted in the OECD report, “in other words, Germany enables corporations to be imputed with offences i) by senior managers, and, somewhat indirectly, ii) with offences by lower level personnel which result from a failure by a senior corporate figure to faithfully discharge his/her duties of supervision.”
The OECD report states that the “standards for a violation of supervisory duties include consideration of factors such as whether the company has in place a monitoring system or in-house regulations for employees.”
Hungary
Hungarian law implementing the OECD Convention entered into force on March 1, 1999.
In 2004, a separate law was enacted specifying the individuals whose actions can trigger the liability of the legal person.
The OECD report states as follows. “The specific persons and additional conditions for liability are defined as follows: (i) the bribery is committed by one of the members or officers [of the legal entity] entitled to manage or represent it, or a supervisory board member and/or their representatives acting within the legal scope of activity of the legal person ; (ii) the bribery is committed by one of the members of the legal entity or an employee acting within the legal scope of activity of the legal person provided the bribery could have been prevented by the chief executive fulfilling his supervisory or control obligations; and (iii) the bribery is committed by a third party individual, provided that the legal entity’s member or officer entitled to manage or represent the it had knowledge of the facts.”
According to the OECD report, the relevant law does not provide any guidance as to the necessary degree of supervision to avoid liability for bribery.
Italy
Italian law implementing the OECD Convention entered into force on October 26, 2000.
Under Italian law, “criminal liability cannot be attributed to legal persons” however, “administrative liability may be attributed to legal persons for certain criminal offences (including foreign bribery) committed by a natural person.
The relevant administrative decree provides a “defence of organisational models” to a body which makes reasonable efforts to prevent the commission of an offence.
The OECD report states as follows. “… [A] body is not liable for offences committed by persons in senior positions if it proves the following. First, before the offence was committed, the body’s management had adopted and effectively implemented an appropriate organisational and management model to prevent offences of the kind that has occurred. Second, the body had set up an autonomous organ to supervise, enforce and update the model. Third, this autonomous organ had sufficiently supervised the operation of the model. Fourth, the perpetrator committed the offence by fraudulently evading the operation of the model.” The defence of organisation models operates as a full defence which completely exculpates a legal person.
The relevant administrative decree stipulates the essential elements of an acceptable organisational model described in the OECD report as follows. “First, the model must identify activities which may give rise to offences. Second, the model must define procedures through which the body makes and implements decisions relating to the offences to be prevented. It must also prescribe procedures for managing financial resources to prevent offences from being committed. Third, the model must oblige the internal organ responsible for supervision and enforcement to provide information to the body. Finally, the model must include a disciplinary system for non-compliance.”
Japan
Japanese law implementing the OECD Convention entered into force on February 15, 1999 .
“Under Japanese law, criminal responsibility of a legal person is based on the principle that the company did not exercise due care in the supervision, selection, etc. of an officer or employee to prevent the culpable act.
The burden rests on the legal person to prove that due care was exercised. Where a legal person raises the defence, a person must be identified as having exercised due care, etc., and the court must determine whether it was exercised properly having regard to the nature of the legal person and the circumstances of the case.”
Korea
Korean law implementing the OECD Convention entered into force on February 15, 1999.
Korean law establishes the criminal responsibility of legal persons for the bribery of a foreign public official, however, a legal person is exempt from liability where it has paid “due attention” or exercised “proper supervision” to prevent the offence.
The statute itself does not provide information about what constitutes “due attention” or “proper supervision.” A representative of the Supreme Public Prosecutor’s Office informed the OECD that “the exemption is triggered when a director or ‘superior person’ exercises due attention.” The Explanatory Manual published by the Ministry of Justice states that “it is difficult to standardize the extent of attention or supervision in deciding whether a legal person can be exempted from criminal punishment.” The Explanatory Manual further states that whether the exemption applies depends upon “general circumstances such as the motive and background that led to the bribery, intervention of exclusive members of the legal person, whether it was informed earlier, and how much effort was usually made by the corporation to prevent bribery, etc.” and that companies involved in international business must prevent violations of the law by all employees and executives of the company “through sufficient necessary management”.
Poland
Polish law implementing the OECD Convention entered into force on February 4, 2001.
Polish law provides “a noncriminal form of responsibility for collective entities.” Among the requirements for liability is the offence was committed “in the effect of at least absence of due diligence in electing the natural person [committing the act] or of at least the absence of due supervision over this person by an authority or a representative of the collective entity.”
According to the relevant Polish legislative history, “the perpetration of a prohibited act by a natural person will trigger liability of the
collective entity where the act occurred as a result of negligence on the part of the authority or representative of the collective entity.”
Portugal
Portuguese law implementing the OECD Convention entered into force on June 9, 2001.
Under Portuguese law relevant to corruption in international business transactions, legal persons can be liable for conduct committed “on their behalf and in the collective interest by natural persons occupying a leadership position within the legal person structure” or by “whoever acts under the authority” of such natural persons.
However, “[t]he liability of legal persons and equivalent entities is excluded when the actor has acted against the orders or express instructions of the person responsible.”
Sweden
Swedish law implementing the OECD Convention entered into force on July 1, 1999.
Under Swedish Law, only natural persons can commit crimes. However, pursuant to the Swedish Penal Code, a “kind of quasi-criminal liability is applied to an ‘entrepreneur’ (a general term meaning “any natural or legal person that professionally runs a business of an economic nature) for a ‘crime committed in the exercise of business activities.’”
However, one requirement under the Penal Code is that “the entrepreneur has not done what could reasonable be required of him for prevention of the crime.”
Switzerland
Swiss law implementing the OECD Convention entered into force on May 1, 2000.
Article 100quater of the Swiss Criminal Code requires “defective organisation as a condition for corporate criminal liability.”
In order to incur criminal liability, “the enterprise must not have taken all reasonable and necessary organisational measures to prevent the individual from committing the offence.”
Under Swiss law, the burden is on the prosecutor to furnish proof of defective organization and according to Swiss authorities contacted by the OECD “steps should be taken to assess whether employees have been sufficiently informed, supervised and controlled” and “the fact that an enterprise is organised in compliance with international management standards will not be sufficient to rule out all liability on its part; it will be one element to take into consideration among others …”. In the view of Swiss authorities, “ shifting the burden of proof in criminal cases would contravene Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights.”
Showing posts with label FCPA Reform. Show all posts
Showing posts with label FCPA Reform. Show all posts
Tuesday, June 28, 2011
Tuesday, June 21, 2011
Global Financial Integrity Responds
The goal of FCPA Professor (see here) is to foster a forum for critical analysis and discussion of the FCPA (and related topics) among FCPA practitioners, business and compliance professionals, scholars and students, and other interested persons.
With that goal in mind, I asked Heather A. Lowe, Esq. (Legal Counsel & Director of Government Affairs, Global Financial Integrity ("GFI")) to consider a guest post to respond to my criticism last week of certain of GFI's statements in connection with the House FCPA hearing (see here for the prior post).
I am glad she accepted and below is Ms. Lowe's guest post.
If other readers want to make their voice heard on the topic of FCPA reform as well, please consider FCPA Professor as a suitable forum.
*****
I appreciate the invitation from Prof. Koehler to provide some comments on this forum as a guest blogger.
On June 14, 2011, Prof. Koehler commented (here) on documents provided by Global Financial Integrity and other civil society organizations and GFI’s press release (here) circulated on Monday, prior to the House of Representatives’ hearing on the FCPA. Additional arguments are included in GFI’s formal submission (here) for the record at the hearing. Karen Lissakers, Director of the Revenue Watch Institute, and Corinna Gilfillan, Head of U.S. Office at Global Witness, each provided statements (see here and here) for the hearing record as well. I am sure readers will find our full submissions to be of interest.
One of the primary reasons that GFI wanted to provide a submission for the hearing was to ensure that Members of Congress were aware that (a) businesses and the Department of Justice were not the only stakeholders with views to be considered in this discussion, (b) proposed changes to the FCPA must be considered within an international context, and any changes will have international implications, and (c) there are strong economic arguments for carefully considering changes to the FCPA that might lead to a reduction in enforcement.
Anti-bribery laws are not enacted in this world without years of blood, sweat and tears from anti-corruption campaigners around the world, and I don’t expect that they will be willing to lose ground on this flagship anti-bribery legislation without making their voices heard. When I say “blood, sweat and tears” I literally mean blood, sweat and tears. There are activists around the world who have been threatened with violence, jailed and even killed over the years to achieve the progress that has been made. It would be inaccurate, therefore, to believe that corporations are the only ones with “skin” in this game.
GFI would not presume to speak on behalf of these organizations without their permission, but we did not want to miss the opportunity to provide at least one civil society submission as a place-holder for a critical group of stakeholders.
We appreciated Prof. Koehler’s comments on the documents he posted. We are trying to begin a meaningful dialogue on these issues that more civil society organizations with direct experience in the field, around the world, can join. His comments demonstrate that we have been successful in starting that conversation.
Prof. Koehler did not invite me to blog for my motivational comments, however. He would like me to respond to his post of June 14, 2011.
Apart from quoting the opinion of a former SEC Commissioner in a statement made 20 years ago
• during a hearing on bills proposing changes that the Professor considers to be similar to changes being proposed today,
• which were ultimately never adopted by Congress, and
• during a time preceding the international proliferation of anti-bribery conventions and national laws that we have to support our FCPA enforcement efforts today,
Prof. Koehler seems to be focusing on two main subjects: the proposed amendment to further define “foreign official” and the proposal to include a compliance defense in the FCPA.
The Professor refers to the UK Bribery Act Guidance to shore up his position in support of creating a compliance defense for companies. The U.S. Chamber refers to the UK Bribery Act (the “UK Act”) itself to support its position that a compliance defense is a reasonable amendment to request. The compliance defense in the UK Act should not be taken out of context, however. It must be viewed in light of the other provisions of the UK Act. The UK Bribery Act criminalizes ALL forms of commercial bribery. The FCPA criminalizes only payments made to foreign officials. The UK Act does not permit facilitation payments. The FCPA permits facilitation payments and has an express provision creating an affirmative defense for reasonable travel and lodging and other types of expenses one might incur as a “host” of a trading partner. The UK Act’s extraterritoriality provisions have been described as more far-reaching than the FCPA’s.
The U.S. Chamber’s proposals to amend the FCPA are entitled “Restoring Balance.” The UK Act’s compliance defense could conceivably be seen as an attempt to balance provisions that go well beyond those of the FCPA. A compliance defense in the FCPA would, in fact, be out of balance when viewed in full context. However, if there is a genuine move to bring the FCPA in line with the UK Bribery Act then let’s talk!
I also found it interesting that the Professor referenced the UK Bribery Act Guidance in his support of the compliance defense. The Guidance he refers to is the Guidance from the UK Ministry of Justice. At the very beginning of that document, in paragraph 4, the Ministry states, “The question of whether an organisation had adequate procedures in place to prevent bribery in the context of a particular prosecution is a matter that can only be resolved by the courts taking into account the particular facts and circumstances of the case. The onus will remain on the organisation, in any case where it seeks to rely on the defence, to prove that it had adequate procedures in place to prevent bribery. However, departures from the suggested procedures contained within the guidance will not of itself give rise to a presumption that an organisation does not have adequate procedures.”
So, what does a compliance defense actually accomplish in the UK? A company still has to prove that it had adequate procedures in place to prevent the criminal activity (which means all of the investigation into what actually took place must still be undertaken) and the matter still has to be adjudicated by the courts. Compliance in the UK is not an absolute defense that can be relied upon to avoid the cost of investigation and litigation at all, as seems to be the idea behind the U.S. Chambers’ proposal! The burden on a UK company is, in practical terms, the same as that of a company defending an FCPA violation under the current form of the statute.
Prof. Koehler characterized some of my statements as “unsophisticated” and “naïve,” so I was surprised by his argument that the real reason that companies want a clearer definition of “foreign official” is so that they can more easily determine who they can take out for a round of golf and a few drinks at the 19th without thinking too hard about it. While I do not doubt that this is something companies do have to think about, I stand by my statement that a clearer definition of foreign official can just as easily be used to determine who a company can bribe and who it can’t bribe and I am not naïve enough to think that this isn’t a frequent question. Let’s get on board with the UK on this one and just not bribe anyone.
I will say, however, that I think I have a fairly accurate view of what motivates corporations. Corporations are motivated by their bottom line and their cost/benefit analysis. There are externalities that also factor into decisions, like reputational risk, but in the end the externalities are quantified and factored in. This is not a bad thing – corporations exist to make money and are vital to support a strong economy.
For the reasons set forth in GFI’s submission, I don’t think that most companies set out to engage in bribery, unless they do not have the attributes to be truly competitive in the market they are entering in the first place (which should not be overlooked as a possible motivating factor). When faced with a bribe, however, the choice on the spot may be perceived to be one of paying a bribe or losing business worth many times the value of the bribe. A strongly enforced FCPA makes that bribe much more expensive in any cost/benefit analysis.
The perception that the choice a company is making is whether to pay a bribe or lose the business is where we should be focusing our energy, however. Many companies have created strategies, policies and outreach to governments in the countries in which they operate in order to ensure that it is understood by those with whom they do business that they are subject to the FCPA and cannot pay bribes. We are pretty sure that the whole notion of the FCPA isn’t a surprise to their business counterparts when the subject is raised.
As I stated in GFI’s submission for the hearing, “Some companies, like Newmont Mining, view the FCPA in a positive light. Newmont Mining, based in Colorado, is the second largest gold mining company in the world. Newmont’s Director Corporate & External Affairs for Africa, Chris Andersen, stated during a panel discussion at the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative Global Conference in March of this year that,
“…Newmont’s experience, particularly in Africa, has been that FCPA has been an enormously valuable protective device for us…when you have a government person saying…‘we’ll give you that license if you buy us a car or something’…it’s not about look ‘I’m a mean guy and I don’t value our relationship, and therefore I’m not going to give it to you,’ you say ‘look, there’s a law out there that means I’m going to go to jail if I do that, I’m not going to go to jail for you or anybody else.’”
There are many more arguments to be made on all sides of this debate, I have no doubt. Let’s make sure that all relevant voices are being heard moving forward.
With that goal in mind, I asked Heather A. Lowe, Esq. (Legal Counsel & Director of Government Affairs, Global Financial Integrity ("GFI")) to consider a guest post to respond to my criticism last week of certain of GFI's statements in connection with the House FCPA hearing (see here for the prior post).
I am glad she accepted and below is Ms. Lowe's guest post.
If other readers want to make their voice heard on the topic of FCPA reform as well, please consider FCPA Professor as a suitable forum.
*****
I appreciate the invitation from Prof. Koehler to provide some comments on this forum as a guest blogger.
On June 14, 2011, Prof. Koehler commented (here) on documents provided by Global Financial Integrity and other civil society organizations and GFI’s press release (here) circulated on Monday, prior to the House of Representatives’ hearing on the FCPA. Additional arguments are included in GFI’s formal submission (here) for the record at the hearing. Karen Lissakers, Director of the Revenue Watch Institute, and Corinna Gilfillan, Head of U.S. Office at Global Witness, each provided statements (see here and here) for the hearing record as well. I am sure readers will find our full submissions to be of interest.
One of the primary reasons that GFI wanted to provide a submission for the hearing was to ensure that Members of Congress were aware that (a) businesses and the Department of Justice were not the only stakeholders with views to be considered in this discussion, (b) proposed changes to the FCPA must be considered within an international context, and any changes will have international implications, and (c) there are strong economic arguments for carefully considering changes to the FCPA that might lead to a reduction in enforcement.
Anti-bribery laws are not enacted in this world without years of blood, sweat and tears from anti-corruption campaigners around the world, and I don’t expect that they will be willing to lose ground on this flagship anti-bribery legislation without making their voices heard. When I say “blood, sweat and tears” I literally mean blood, sweat and tears. There are activists around the world who have been threatened with violence, jailed and even killed over the years to achieve the progress that has been made. It would be inaccurate, therefore, to believe that corporations are the only ones with “skin” in this game.
GFI would not presume to speak on behalf of these organizations without their permission, but we did not want to miss the opportunity to provide at least one civil society submission as a place-holder for a critical group of stakeholders.
We appreciated Prof. Koehler’s comments on the documents he posted. We are trying to begin a meaningful dialogue on these issues that more civil society organizations with direct experience in the field, around the world, can join. His comments demonstrate that we have been successful in starting that conversation.
Prof. Koehler did not invite me to blog for my motivational comments, however. He would like me to respond to his post of June 14, 2011.
Apart from quoting the opinion of a former SEC Commissioner in a statement made 20 years ago
• during a hearing on bills proposing changes that the Professor considers to be similar to changes being proposed today,
• which were ultimately never adopted by Congress, and
• during a time preceding the international proliferation of anti-bribery conventions and national laws that we have to support our FCPA enforcement efforts today,
Prof. Koehler seems to be focusing on two main subjects: the proposed amendment to further define “foreign official” and the proposal to include a compliance defense in the FCPA.
The Professor refers to the UK Bribery Act Guidance to shore up his position in support of creating a compliance defense for companies. The U.S. Chamber refers to the UK Bribery Act (the “UK Act”) itself to support its position that a compliance defense is a reasonable amendment to request. The compliance defense in the UK Act should not be taken out of context, however. It must be viewed in light of the other provisions of the UK Act. The UK Bribery Act criminalizes ALL forms of commercial bribery. The FCPA criminalizes only payments made to foreign officials. The UK Act does not permit facilitation payments. The FCPA permits facilitation payments and has an express provision creating an affirmative defense for reasonable travel and lodging and other types of expenses one might incur as a “host” of a trading partner. The UK Act’s extraterritoriality provisions have been described as more far-reaching than the FCPA’s.
The U.S. Chamber’s proposals to amend the FCPA are entitled “Restoring Balance.” The UK Act’s compliance defense could conceivably be seen as an attempt to balance provisions that go well beyond those of the FCPA. A compliance defense in the FCPA would, in fact, be out of balance when viewed in full context. However, if there is a genuine move to bring the FCPA in line with the UK Bribery Act then let’s talk!
I also found it interesting that the Professor referenced the UK Bribery Act Guidance in his support of the compliance defense. The Guidance he refers to is the Guidance from the UK Ministry of Justice. At the very beginning of that document, in paragraph 4, the Ministry states, “The question of whether an organisation had adequate procedures in place to prevent bribery in the context of a particular prosecution is a matter that can only be resolved by the courts taking into account the particular facts and circumstances of the case. The onus will remain on the organisation, in any case where it seeks to rely on the defence, to prove that it had adequate procedures in place to prevent bribery. However, departures from the suggested procedures contained within the guidance will not of itself give rise to a presumption that an organisation does not have adequate procedures.”
So, what does a compliance defense actually accomplish in the UK? A company still has to prove that it had adequate procedures in place to prevent the criminal activity (which means all of the investigation into what actually took place must still be undertaken) and the matter still has to be adjudicated by the courts. Compliance in the UK is not an absolute defense that can be relied upon to avoid the cost of investigation and litigation at all, as seems to be the idea behind the U.S. Chambers’ proposal! The burden on a UK company is, in practical terms, the same as that of a company defending an FCPA violation under the current form of the statute.
Prof. Koehler characterized some of my statements as “unsophisticated” and “naïve,” so I was surprised by his argument that the real reason that companies want a clearer definition of “foreign official” is so that they can more easily determine who they can take out for a round of golf and a few drinks at the 19th without thinking too hard about it. While I do not doubt that this is something companies do have to think about, I stand by my statement that a clearer definition of foreign official can just as easily be used to determine who a company can bribe and who it can’t bribe and I am not naïve enough to think that this isn’t a frequent question. Let’s get on board with the UK on this one and just not bribe anyone.
I will say, however, that I think I have a fairly accurate view of what motivates corporations. Corporations are motivated by their bottom line and their cost/benefit analysis. There are externalities that also factor into decisions, like reputational risk, but in the end the externalities are quantified and factored in. This is not a bad thing – corporations exist to make money and are vital to support a strong economy.
For the reasons set forth in GFI’s submission, I don’t think that most companies set out to engage in bribery, unless they do not have the attributes to be truly competitive in the market they are entering in the first place (which should not be overlooked as a possible motivating factor). When faced with a bribe, however, the choice on the spot may be perceived to be one of paying a bribe or losing business worth many times the value of the bribe. A strongly enforced FCPA makes that bribe much more expensive in any cost/benefit analysis.
The perception that the choice a company is making is whether to pay a bribe or lose the business is where we should be focusing our energy, however. Many companies have created strategies, policies and outreach to governments in the countries in which they operate in order to ensure that it is understood by those with whom they do business that they are subject to the FCPA and cannot pay bribes. We are pretty sure that the whole notion of the FCPA isn’t a surprise to their business counterparts when the subject is raised.
As I stated in GFI’s submission for the hearing, “Some companies, like Newmont Mining, view the FCPA in a positive light. Newmont Mining, based in Colorado, is the second largest gold mining company in the world. Newmont’s Director Corporate & External Affairs for Africa, Chris Andersen, stated during a panel discussion at the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative Global Conference in March of this year that,
“…Newmont’s experience, particularly in Africa, has been that FCPA has been an enormously valuable protective device for us…when you have a government person saying…‘we’ll give you that license if you buy us a car or something’…it’s not about look ‘I’m a mean guy and I don’t value our relationship, and therefore I’m not going to give it to you,’ you say ‘look, there’s a law out there that means I’m going to go to jail if I do that, I’m not going to go to jail for you or anybody else.’”
There are many more arguments to be made on all sides of this debate, I have no doubt. Let’s make sure that all relevant voices are being heard moving forward.
Tuesday, June 14, 2011
House Hearing - Pregame
Yesterday, Global Financial Integrity ("GFI") and The Task Force on Financial Integrity and Economic Development issued identical press releases (here and here) regarding today's House Judiciary subcommittee hearing on the FCPA (see here).
The releases, titled "Foreign Corrupt Practices Act Under Attack" portray today's hearing as a U.S. Chamber of Commerce sponsored event and states as follows. "Among other things, the hearing will specifically consider amendments proposed to the act by the U.S. Chamber Institute for Legal Reform, an affiliate of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which FCPA-proponents charge will significantly weaken the anti-corruption legislation and undermine efforts to tackle corruption and illicit financial practices abroad. The Chamber’s proposed changes would seriously undermine one of the most important anti-corruption statues we have on the books. [...] This is a blatant attempt by the business lobby to limit accountability and reduce a company’s risk of prosecution for paying bribes. It is a real threat to global efforts to stamp out corruption and foster economic development.”
GFI legislative affairs director and legal affairs council Heather Lowe states as follows. “With the exception of [the DOJ witness - Greg Andres], the witness lineup represents commercial interests. There is no witness on the panel representing those who are working to fight corruption without a commercial interest or government policy driving their testimony. Members of Congress need to have an opportunity to hear those voices as well.”
Attached to the releases are two documents.
The first document is titled "Concerns About the U.S. Chamber Institute of Legal Reform’s Proposals for Amending the FCPA." (For a copy of the Chamber's reform proposals - see here).
The document addresses five topics: (i) limiting liability of a parent company for acts of its subsidiaries; (ii) defining "foreign official"; (iii) allowing companies with compliance programs to escape liability (compliance as an affirmative defense); (iv) limiting the liability of a successor company for the prior acts of a company that has merged into it or that it has acquired; and (v) adding a “willfulness” requirement for corporate criminal liability.
As to "foreign official," the document states as follows. "The U.S. Chamber is promoting the creation of a definition of “foreign official” so that companies have greater legal certainty. Greater certainty of what? Greater certainty of who they are permitted to bribe and who they are not permitted to bribe."
In all due respect, this is a naive statement.
As I noted in this article, because of the enforcement agencies' current interpretation of "foreign official," those subject to the FCPA are spending significant time and money investigating the ownership structure of foreign customers and potential customers for any trace of foreign government ownership or control. Such a costly investigation, often involving lawyers and other investigative firms, is not motivated by the company’s desire to make improper payments to the foreign customer or potential customer to obtain or retain business should the investigation reveal no foreign government ownership or control. Rather, the costly investigation is often motivated for the simple reason that the company wants to treat these foreign customers the same as it treats its other customers. That means hosting such customers at corporate events in which some fun may take place (e.g., golf) or inviting such customers to an industry trade show—events that often take place in tourist locations. Companies fear providing such “things of value” to a “foreign official” (under the enforcement agencies’ interpretation) even though the company is legitimately and legally providing the exact same thing to its non- “foreign official” customers or potential customers. It is highly questionable whether Congress foresaw company lawyers being involved in the simple decision of whether to invite a particular customer to the company’s golf outing or trade show.
As to a potential compliance defense, the document states as follows. "If a company is found to be in violation of the FCPA, then the existence of a company’s compliance program must not have prevented the acts of bribery. So why should the existence of their compliance program be a defense to the charge of bribery?"
Again, an unsophisticated statement.
For instance, the U.K. Bribery Act Guidance (here) states as follows. "The objective of the Act is not to bring the full force of the criminal law to bear upon well run commercial organizations that experience an isolated incident of bribery on their behalf."
"[N]o bribery prevention regime will be capable of preventing bribery at all times."
"[A] commercial organization will have a full defense if it can show that despite a particular case of bribery, it nevertheless had adequate procedures in place to prevent persons associated with it from bribing."
Similarly, in a 1981 FCPA speech (to be profiled in a future post) the SEC Chairman noted as follows. “The test of a company’s internal control system is not whether occasional failings can occur. Those will happen in the most ideally managed company. But, an adequate system of internal controls means that, when such breaches do arise, they will be isolated rather than systemic, and they will be subject to a reasonable likelihood of being uncovered in a timely manner and then remedied promptly. Barring, of course, the participation or complicity of senior company officials in the deed, when discovery and correction expeditiously follow, no failing in the company’s internal accounting system would have existed. To the contrary, routine discovery and correction would evidence its effectiveness.”
Elsewhere in the speech, the SEC Chairman stated as follows. "If a violation was committed by a low level employee, without the knowledge of top management, with an adequate system of internal control, and with appropriate corrective action taken by the issuer, we do not believe that any action against the company would be called for.”
This speech was given during the same general time frame when Congress was last seriously considering substantial FCPA reform in the 1980's. Numerous FCPA reform bills included a specific defense which stated a company would not be held vicariously liable for a violation of the FCPA’s anti-bribery provisions by its employees or agents, who were not an officer or director, if the company established procedures reasonably designed to prevent and detect FCPA violations by employees and agents. An FCPA reform bill containing such a provision did pass the U.S. House.
In my forthcoming scholarship, "Revisiting an FCPA Compliance Defense" (to be presented at the Wisconsin Law Review symposium - see here), I argue that amending the FCPA to include a compliance defense (a defense found in the “FCPA-like” laws of other nations) will best incentivize corporate FCPA compliance and not put a company at risk of FCPA scrutiny, costly FCPA internal investigations, and the growing collateral consequences of FCPA inquiries should a non-executive employee engage in conduct contrary to a company’s pre-existing FCPA compliance policies and procedures and compliance culture.
The second document attached to the GFI releases is titled "The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act in Context." The 2 page document ends with the following in red caps. "WE HAVE SHOWN THE WORLD THAT THE U.S. IS SERIOUS ABOUT COMBATING BRIBERY, AND THE WORLD IS FOLLOWING OUR LEAD. WEAKENING THE FCPA NOW WILL SEND A MESSAGE TO THE WORLD THAT THE U.S. IS SOFT ON CORRUPTION AND OUR COMPANIES ARE DEEP POCKETS FOR BRIBE-SEEKERS. THE U.S. SHOULD FOCUS ON ENCOURAGING WORLDWIDE ENFORCEMENT, NOT CRIPPLING A STATUTE THAT HAS BEEN THE MODEL FOR INTERNATIONAL ANTI-BRIBERY LEGISLATION."
Enjoy today's hearing.
The releases, titled "Foreign Corrupt Practices Act Under Attack" portray today's hearing as a U.S. Chamber of Commerce sponsored event and states as follows. "Among other things, the hearing will specifically consider amendments proposed to the act by the U.S. Chamber Institute for Legal Reform, an affiliate of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which FCPA-proponents charge will significantly weaken the anti-corruption legislation and undermine efforts to tackle corruption and illicit financial practices abroad. The Chamber’s proposed changes would seriously undermine one of the most important anti-corruption statues we have on the books. [...] This is a blatant attempt by the business lobby to limit accountability and reduce a company’s risk of prosecution for paying bribes. It is a real threat to global efforts to stamp out corruption and foster economic development.”
GFI legislative affairs director and legal affairs council Heather Lowe states as follows. “With the exception of [the DOJ witness - Greg Andres], the witness lineup represents commercial interests. There is no witness on the panel representing those who are working to fight corruption without a commercial interest or government policy driving their testimony. Members of Congress need to have an opportunity to hear those voices as well.”
Attached to the releases are two documents.
The first document is titled "Concerns About the U.S. Chamber Institute of Legal Reform’s Proposals for Amending the FCPA." (For a copy of the Chamber's reform proposals - see here).
The document addresses five topics: (i) limiting liability of a parent company for acts of its subsidiaries; (ii) defining "foreign official"; (iii) allowing companies with compliance programs to escape liability (compliance as an affirmative defense); (iv) limiting the liability of a successor company for the prior acts of a company that has merged into it or that it has acquired; and (v) adding a “willfulness” requirement for corporate criminal liability.
As to "foreign official," the document states as follows. "The U.S. Chamber is promoting the creation of a definition of “foreign official” so that companies have greater legal certainty. Greater certainty of what? Greater certainty of who they are permitted to bribe and who they are not permitted to bribe."
In all due respect, this is a naive statement.
As I noted in this article, because of the enforcement agencies' current interpretation of "foreign official," those subject to the FCPA are spending significant time and money investigating the ownership structure of foreign customers and potential customers for any trace of foreign government ownership or control. Such a costly investigation, often involving lawyers and other investigative firms, is not motivated by the company’s desire to make improper payments to the foreign customer or potential customer to obtain or retain business should the investigation reveal no foreign government ownership or control. Rather, the costly investigation is often motivated for the simple reason that the company wants to treat these foreign customers the same as it treats its other customers. That means hosting such customers at corporate events in which some fun may take place (e.g., golf) or inviting such customers to an industry trade show—events that often take place in tourist locations. Companies fear providing such “things of value” to a “foreign official” (under the enforcement agencies’ interpretation) even though the company is legitimately and legally providing the exact same thing to its non- “foreign official” customers or potential customers. It is highly questionable whether Congress foresaw company lawyers being involved in the simple decision of whether to invite a particular customer to the company’s golf outing or trade show.
As to a potential compliance defense, the document states as follows. "If a company is found to be in violation of the FCPA, then the existence of a company’s compliance program must not have prevented the acts of bribery. So why should the existence of their compliance program be a defense to the charge of bribery?"
Again, an unsophisticated statement.
For instance, the U.K. Bribery Act Guidance (here) states as follows. "The objective of the Act is not to bring the full force of the criminal law to bear upon well run commercial organizations that experience an isolated incident of bribery on their behalf."
"[N]o bribery prevention regime will be capable of preventing bribery at all times."
"[A] commercial organization will have a full defense if it can show that despite a particular case of bribery, it nevertheless had adequate procedures in place to prevent persons associated with it from bribing."
Similarly, in a 1981 FCPA speech (to be profiled in a future post) the SEC Chairman noted as follows. “The test of a company’s internal control system is not whether occasional failings can occur. Those will happen in the most ideally managed company. But, an adequate system of internal controls means that, when such breaches do arise, they will be isolated rather than systemic, and they will be subject to a reasonable likelihood of being uncovered in a timely manner and then remedied promptly. Barring, of course, the participation or complicity of senior company officials in the deed, when discovery and correction expeditiously follow, no failing in the company’s internal accounting system would have existed. To the contrary, routine discovery and correction would evidence its effectiveness.”
Elsewhere in the speech, the SEC Chairman stated as follows. "If a violation was committed by a low level employee, without the knowledge of top management, with an adequate system of internal control, and with appropriate corrective action taken by the issuer, we do not believe that any action against the company would be called for.”
This speech was given during the same general time frame when Congress was last seriously considering substantial FCPA reform in the 1980's. Numerous FCPA reform bills included a specific defense which stated a company would not be held vicariously liable for a violation of the FCPA’s anti-bribery provisions by its employees or agents, who were not an officer or director, if the company established procedures reasonably designed to prevent and detect FCPA violations by employees and agents. An FCPA reform bill containing such a provision did pass the U.S. House.
In my forthcoming scholarship, "Revisiting an FCPA Compliance Defense" (to be presented at the Wisconsin Law Review symposium - see here), I argue that amending the FCPA to include a compliance defense (a defense found in the “FCPA-like” laws of other nations) will best incentivize corporate FCPA compliance and not put a company at risk of FCPA scrutiny, costly FCPA internal investigations, and the growing collateral consequences of FCPA inquiries should a non-executive employee engage in conduct contrary to a company’s pre-existing FCPA compliance policies and procedures and compliance culture.
The second document attached to the GFI releases is titled "The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act in Context." The 2 page document ends with the following in red caps. "WE HAVE SHOWN THE WORLD THAT THE U.S. IS SERIOUS ABOUT COMBATING BRIBERY, AND THE WORLD IS FOLLOWING OUR LEAD. WEAKENING THE FCPA NOW WILL SEND A MESSAGE TO THE WORLD THAT THE U.S. IS SOFT ON CORRUPTION AND OUR COMPANIES ARE DEEP POCKETS FOR BRIBE-SEEKERS. THE U.S. SHOULD FOCUS ON ENCOURAGING WORLDWIDE ENFORCEMENT, NOT CRIPPLING A STATUTE THAT HAS BEEN THE MODEL FOR INTERNATIONAL ANTI-BRIBERY LEGISLATION."
Enjoy today's hearing.
Tuesday, May 24, 2011
A Q&A With Homer Moyer
In running a site called "FCPA Professor" it is only appropriate to touch base with a "Dean" on occasion.
I do so in this post with Homer Moyer, a "dean" of the FCPA bar. Moyer, a partner with Miller & Chevalier (see here) addresses a variety of topics in this Q&A - from evolution of the FCPA and FCPA enforcement to voluntary disclosure and investigative fees. Moyer closes out the Q&A with a few FCPA reform proposals of his own.
*****
Your government experience prior to law practice was with the Commerce Department, not the DOJ or SEC as is typical of many FCPA enforcement lawyers. How has your Commerce Department experience informed your FCPA practice?
I was at the Commerce Department when the FCPA was enacted, and I chaired an inter-agency group on FCPA issues. Of greater value to my later FCPA practice, however, was having served as general counsel of the Department that deals most directly with corporate issues and that both promotes and regulates American businesses. Also of great value were the experiences of having litigated cases as both a prosecutor and defense counsel. Perhaps most important, however, is having now seen hundreds of different FCPA issues for dozens of different clients.
Working on FCPA cases at the SEC or DOJ provides prosecutors with unique experience, but not the opportunity to counsel and represent corporate clients, manage complex legal issues for them, or help them devise and implement innovative compliance programs.
Describe your first FCPA matter or case? What were the issues? What were your client's concerns?
One of my early cases, some 20 years ago, presented a host of issues that had not yet become commonplace. The case I have in mind involved potential vicarious liability for the acts of a third party, a third party who claimed that the work it did for a U.S. company created a “constructive partnership” that entitled it to share the company’s profits, questions of whether to consult voluntarily with DOJ, an industry with which DOJ was not yet well-acquainted, innovative compliance enhancements, related civil litigation, and forged evidence presented to a court.
That matter ended well, but it presented issues of first impression and foreshadowed how complicated FCPA cases could be.
The FCPA has evolved much since your first case. From your perspective, has this evolution been positive? Any negative aspects of this evolution? How has this evolution affected your practice and your clients?
The evolution of FCPA enforcement has unquestionably brought more and more attention to the issue of official corruption and has had an indisputable impact on corporate behavior, or the “supply side” of the bribery equation. In addition, it has done something that unilateral U.S. laws rarely do, namely, led to a far-reaching change and consensus in the international legal landscape, as now reflected in international anti-corruption conventions to which more than 150 countries have become signatories.
Despite two sets of amendments, the FCPA itself has changed relatively little since it was adopted in 1977. Its “evolution” has primarily been through a steady escalation in enforcement -- the number and variety of enforcement actions, expansive interpretations of key provisions, the size and variety of penalties, the frequency of voluntary disclosures, and a steady rise in the levels of sophistication the government looks for in independent investigations, due diligence processes, and compliance programs.
Has this evolution been positive or negative? Few people would now dispute that corruption and bribery of foreign officials imposes staggering economic and social costs, frequently on countries that can afford it least. The question then becomes whether FCPA enforcement has made a positive difference in reducing or eliminating corruption. It probably has, but more relevant today is the continuing pervasiveness of official corruption and the daunting challenges to controlling it on a global basis.
With respect to the FCPA itself, complaints that it has created an “uneven playing field” have been somewhat undercut by aggressive FCPA enforcement against non-U.S. companies, by new international anti-corruption conventions, and by the beginnings of genuine enforcement in some other countries. And the lament that few FCPA cases are adjudicated in court does not distinguish FCPA enforcement from the enforcement patterns of many other regulatory laws. The infrequency of judicial review may occasionally embolden the government to overreach, but it has rarely resulted in abusive prosecutions.
In terms of our own practice, the increase in enforcement has plainly caused clients to be far more focused on anti-corruption issues than was once the case. This has certainly caused Miller & Chevalier’s long-standing FCPA practice to grow dramatically. It also appears to have created something of a traffic jam of newly minted “FCPA lawyers.”
Your point “that few FCPA cases are adjudicated in court does not distinguish FCPA enforcement from the enforcement patterns of many other regulatory laws” is a very valid point. However, isn’t a key difference though that other laws have benefited from several dozen circuit court opinions and perhaps a few Supreme Court decisions, such that the parameters of the law are at least set by someone other than the enforcement agencies? [Granted, 2011 will likely see several trial court decisions as to certain FCPA elements, but the FCPA is still a law that is lacking much meaningful precedential case law.]
One has to take the view -- and I certainly do -- that independent judicial review is a good thing -- a critical part of our legal system and important to preserving the rule of law. Judicial review, or the prospect of judicial review, can help prevent regulatory or enforcement excesses. In some regulatory programs -- environmental statutes come to mind -- the level of judicial review is robust. And we are beginning to see more judicial review in FCPA cases involving individual defendants.
At the same time, some regulatory areas have been subject to as little, or even less, judicial scrutiny than the FCPA. Statutory restrictions on judicial review and judicial deference to agency interpretations of regulations having “national security” ramifications effectively reduce judicial oversight. One can look long and hard for good case law on the regulations enforced by the Office of Foreign Assets Controls (“OFAC”) or on export controls rules under the ITAR (International Traffic in Arms Regulations), each of which has seen regulatory overreaching and little accountability. One recent Federal Circuit Court opinion referred to the discretion reserved by the Executive Branch combined with the lack of clarity in the ITAR as something that would be expected of a totalitarian regime, not the United States Government.
In the end, however, the amount of judicial review is determined by the private sector. Clients are, of course, free to challenge FCPA enforcement actions, although historically corporate clients have tended to favor settlement as a preferable route. Moreover, recent FCPA court decisions reflect that courts will not necessarily interpret laws differently from enforcement agencies. Nonetheless, both corporate and individual defendants are free to challenge agency interpretations of the laws they enforce, and I and many other counsel would undoubtedly be available to help.
When President Obama, high-ranking DOJ officials and others in government talk about corruption and bribery, they talk about the bridge that crumbles because the contractor was selected based on a bribe payment or other similar scenarios. However, very few FCPA enforcement actions fit this scenario, rather the alleged violator is generally viewed as an industry leader that sells the best products for the best prices. Do you agree that a divide exists between such government or civil society statements and typical FCPA enforcement action scenarios? If so, how do we bridge this divide?
Bribery of foreign officials is, in the first instance, typically designed to overcome market forces and to distort competition, not to ensure the purchase of the best products at the best price. Whether or not a bridge is the best metaphor, FCPA violations reflect illicit payments that are made to enrich corrupt officials and that shift that cost to consumers and taxpayers. The consistent scenario in FCPA enforcement actions is that an alleged violator, or someone acting on its behalf, did, in fact, pay bribes, often egregious ones.
The most significant “divide” today is the uneven enforcement among signatories to anti-corruption conventions. Whereas the 1980s saw an industry push to repeal or relax the FCPA on the grounds that it was creating a competitive disadvantage for American companies, the more common complaint today is that other countries must consistently and meaningfully enforce their own anti-corruption laws to assure that the proverbial playing field is level.
Many calls to roll back the FCPA are now anomalous, as they would put the United States out of compliance with international conventions that the FCPA inspired and that the United States fought hard to achieve. They also run counter to the anti-corruption momentum of the last 20 years and would effectively legalize some practices that are coming to be universally condemned, if not yet universally punished.
I find that most U.S. multinational corporations would be delighted to compete on the merits. Indeed, some companies are affirmatively using integrity in the marketplace to gain a competitive advantage. Many have voluntarily prohibited “facilitating payments,” even though they are permissible under the FCPA. It is also interesting to note that Siemens, after paying record-shattering FCPA fines and taking aggressive steps to transform its entire corporate culture, has been posting record profits.
What is your reaction to this statement from a recent high-ranking DOJ official - "“the government sees a profitable program, and it’s going to ride that horse until it can’t ride it anymore.” Do you believe that FCPA enforcement has become a government cash cow? FCPA enforcement fines and penalties simply go into the U.S. Treasury. Are there better places for this money accepting the notion that bribery results in victims?
FCPA fines probably don’t rise to the level of a governmental “cash cow.” In fiscal terms, they are of no real moment. The government unfortunately needs some much bigger revenue cows.
I do believe, however, that law enforcement penalties should be a consequence of, not a reason for, enforcing criminal laws. And although penalties have risen, I do not have the sense that revenue production has been a driver of FCPA enforcement.
Your interesting question about whether penalties might be used to compensate the “victims” of corruption is a favorite in developing countries. It highlights the difficulties of tracing, seizing, and repatriating funds that corrupt officials have stolen from their countries. Even where recovery of funds is possible, assuring that they are then used to benefit the citizens who were cheated by official corruption is a challenge. That is, however, the right use of repatriated funds.
Because countries that have been cheated by their own rulers have rarely been able to recover the stolen funds, some have asked whether they should be compensated with funds collected as penalties in anti-corruption enforcement actions. This would be a break from past law enforcement patterns, and the idea appears not to have gained significant traction. The strongest case for making that break probably relates to funds collected as disgorgement of profits rather than pure fines. Indeed, one could argue that it would be more just for the bounties that whistleblowers can now earn under the Dodd-Frank law to go not to whistleblowers, but rather to the countries affected for the benefit of the victims of corruption.
Your response speaks of corrupt “officials,” “official corruption” and “rulers.” Yet, the vast majority of FCPA enforcement actions involve no such individual – rather the alleged recipient of the bribe is an employee of an alleged state-owned or state-controlled enterprise. In these cases, would not the most direct victim be the competitor who lost the contract or did not have the opportunity to bid. Are you in favor of an FCPA private right of action?
In most FCPA violations, there is more than one victim. Competitors can certainly be victims. So can government agencies or instrumentalities that are procuring goods or services. Even where there is an admitted bribe, however, determining which competitors may have been “victims” would undoubtedly be a messy and imperfect process. And allegations of improper payments are far more common than proof of improper payments, as any practitioner knows, and the complications of trying to identify victims and allocate compensation among everyone claiming status as a victim might make us long for the days when the principal issues were simply the ones you have asked about here.
What percentage of internal investigations you have worked on in the past 3-5 years that ended with a conclusion that the company violated the FCPA resulted in a voluntary disclosure? Same question for investigations you worked on during the time period 1995-2005? Why the difference?
Although we have clients who, after weighing all the relevant factors, have elected not to disclose, the percentage of matters that result in voluntary disclosures has plainly been rising. The reasons include changes in the sentencing guidelines, the enactment of Sarbanes-Oxley, greater Audit Committee oversight of investigations, the campaign by enforcement agencies to assure companies that voluntary disclosure and cooperation will result in “tangible benefits,” and the gradually spreading view that this is true, if not numerically predictable.
With Avon's recent disclosure that it has spent over $100 million in professional fees and expenses in connection with an FCPA inquiry and other similar disclosures (albeit perhaps not as dramatic) have professional fees and expenses (law firm, accounting firm, etc.) associated with FCPA internal investigations gotten out of control?
I have to confess to being stunned at some of the reported costs of investigations. To be sure, the costs of investigations have risen with increased emphasis on electronic documents and the insistence that investigations must be independent, thorough, and knowledgeable.
Accepting those requirements, the cost-effectiveness of an investigation can be significantly improved by developing a careful work plan, utilizing a firm with experienced FCPA lawyers at all levels of seniority, tailoring the type of investigation to the type of issue, and making informed and reasonable judgments about when to stop an investigation and focus on remediation. In my experience, it is often possible to have a reasoned and productive dialogue with enforcement agencies about the scope and extent of investigations.
FCPA reform proposals are floating around and are reportedly being considered by certain members of Congress. In your view what reform proposals have merit and what issues are at the top of Homer Moyer's FCPA reform list?
I find some of the calls for statutory reform less than compelling. Proposals to change the statute in ways that would be inconsistent with international conventions to which the U.S. is committed are unlikely to be successful, in my view, and could well open the door to other “reforms” that advocates for change might dislike, such as eliminating the exception for facilitating payments.
To be sure, in enforcing the FCPA, the government tries to overreach from time to time -- exercising anti-bribery jurisdiction over foreign subsidiaries and aggressive applications of dd-3 jurisdictional on the grounds that some step in the process took place “in the territory of the United States” come to mind as occasional examples. When enforcement agencies overreach, they should be challenged.
My dream list of “reforms” might read something like the following:
• Internal DOJ guidance that voluntarily disclosed matters must normally be resolved by the Department within 90 days after completion of an internal investigation; that agencies should make public their calculations of credit for voluntary disclosure and coordination; and that the Department will publish sanitized summaries of its declinations.
• An amendment to tweak the whistle-blower provision of Dodd-Frank to relieve the SEC of the conundrum of implementing the statute consistent with its terms but in a manner that does not undercut effective corporate compliance programs;
• An agreement among prosecutors that in the case of parallel investigations by more than one country, private parties may request state-to-state consultations (as called for by the OECD convention), and the consulting states should assure that investigations are coordinated and penalties made complementary so that companies do not face redundant penalties or unnecessarily overlapping investigations.
• Insistence by the OECD that OECD membership for China, Russia, and India must include accession to the Anti-Corruption Convention, accelerated peer review, and possible reconsideration of OECD membership if implementation and enforcement of anti-corruption laws prove to be insufficient.
• Multilateral reform measures designed to minimize current legal impediments to identifying and seizing funds stolen by corrupt officials and to facilitate repatriation of such funds.
I do so in this post with Homer Moyer, a "dean" of the FCPA bar. Moyer, a partner with Miller & Chevalier (see here) addresses a variety of topics in this Q&A - from evolution of the FCPA and FCPA enforcement to voluntary disclosure and investigative fees. Moyer closes out the Q&A with a few FCPA reform proposals of his own.
*****
Your government experience prior to law practice was with the Commerce Department, not the DOJ or SEC as is typical of many FCPA enforcement lawyers. How has your Commerce Department experience informed your FCPA practice?
I was at the Commerce Department when the FCPA was enacted, and I chaired an inter-agency group on FCPA issues. Of greater value to my later FCPA practice, however, was having served as general counsel of the Department that deals most directly with corporate issues and that both promotes and regulates American businesses. Also of great value were the experiences of having litigated cases as both a prosecutor and defense counsel. Perhaps most important, however, is having now seen hundreds of different FCPA issues for dozens of different clients.
Working on FCPA cases at the SEC or DOJ provides prosecutors with unique experience, but not the opportunity to counsel and represent corporate clients, manage complex legal issues for them, or help them devise and implement innovative compliance programs.
Describe your first FCPA matter or case? What were the issues? What were your client's concerns?
One of my early cases, some 20 years ago, presented a host of issues that had not yet become commonplace. The case I have in mind involved potential vicarious liability for the acts of a third party, a third party who claimed that the work it did for a U.S. company created a “constructive partnership” that entitled it to share the company’s profits, questions of whether to consult voluntarily with DOJ, an industry with which DOJ was not yet well-acquainted, innovative compliance enhancements, related civil litigation, and forged evidence presented to a court.
That matter ended well, but it presented issues of first impression and foreshadowed how complicated FCPA cases could be.
The FCPA has evolved much since your first case. From your perspective, has this evolution been positive? Any negative aspects of this evolution? How has this evolution affected your practice and your clients?
The evolution of FCPA enforcement has unquestionably brought more and more attention to the issue of official corruption and has had an indisputable impact on corporate behavior, or the “supply side” of the bribery equation. In addition, it has done something that unilateral U.S. laws rarely do, namely, led to a far-reaching change and consensus in the international legal landscape, as now reflected in international anti-corruption conventions to which more than 150 countries have become signatories.
Despite two sets of amendments, the FCPA itself has changed relatively little since it was adopted in 1977. Its “evolution” has primarily been through a steady escalation in enforcement -- the number and variety of enforcement actions, expansive interpretations of key provisions, the size and variety of penalties, the frequency of voluntary disclosures, and a steady rise in the levels of sophistication the government looks for in independent investigations, due diligence processes, and compliance programs.
Has this evolution been positive or negative? Few people would now dispute that corruption and bribery of foreign officials imposes staggering economic and social costs, frequently on countries that can afford it least. The question then becomes whether FCPA enforcement has made a positive difference in reducing or eliminating corruption. It probably has, but more relevant today is the continuing pervasiveness of official corruption and the daunting challenges to controlling it on a global basis.
With respect to the FCPA itself, complaints that it has created an “uneven playing field” have been somewhat undercut by aggressive FCPA enforcement against non-U.S. companies, by new international anti-corruption conventions, and by the beginnings of genuine enforcement in some other countries. And the lament that few FCPA cases are adjudicated in court does not distinguish FCPA enforcement from the enforcement patterns of many other regulatory laws. The infrequency of judicial review may occasionally embolden the government to overreach, but it has rarely resulted in abusive prosecutions.
In terms of our own practice, the increase in enforcement has plainly caused clients to be far more focused on anti-corruption issues than was once the case. This has certainly caused Miller & Chevalier’s long-standing FCPA practice to grow dramatically. It also appears to have created something of a traffic jam of newly minted “FCPA lawyers.”
Your point “that few FCPA cases are adjudicated in court does not distinguish FCPA enforcement from the enforcement patterns of many other regulatory laws” is a very valid point. However, isn’t a key difference though that other laws have benefited from several dozen circuit court opinions and perhaps a few Supreme Court decisions, such that the parameters of the law are at least set by someone other than the enforcement agencies? [Granted, 2011 will likely see several trial court decisions as to certain FCPA elements, but the FCPA is still a law that is lacking much meaningful precedential case law.]
One has to take the view -- and I certainly do -- that independent judicial review is a good thing -- a critical part of our legal system and important to preserving the rule of law. Judicial review, or the prospect of judicial review, can help prevent regulatory or enforcement excesses. In some regulatory programs -- environmental statutes come to mind -- the level of judicial review is robust. And we are beginning to see more judicial review in FCPA cases involving individual defendants.
At the same time, some regulatory areas have been subject to as little, or even less, judicial scrutiny than the FCPA. Statutory restrictions on judicial review and judicial deference to agency interpretations of regulations having “national security” ramifications effectively reduce judicial oversight. One can look long and hard for good case law on the regulations enforced by the Office of Foreign Assets Controls (“OFAC”) or on export controls rules under the ITAR (International Traffic in Arms Regulations), each of which has seen regulatory overreaching and little accountability. One recent Federal Circuit Court opinion referred to the discretion reserved by the Executive Branch combined with the lack of clarity in the ITAR as something that would be expected of a totalitarian regime, not the United States Government.
In the end, however, the amount of judicial review is determined by the private sector. Clients are, of course, free to challenge FCPA enforcement actions, although historically corporate clients have tended to favor settlement as a preferable route. Moreover, recent FCPA court decisions reflect that courts will not necessarily interpret laws differently from enforcement agencies. Nonetheless, both corporate and individual defendants are free to challenge agency interpretations of the laws they enforce, and I and many other counsel would undoubtedly be available to help.
When President Obama, high-ranking DOJ officials and others in government talk about corruption and bribery, they talk about the bridge that crumbles because the contractor was selected based on a bribe payment or other similar scenarios. However, very few FCPA enforcement actions fit this scenario, rather the alleged violator is generally viewed as an industry leader that sells the best products for the best prices. Do you agree that a divide exists between such government or civil society statements and typical FCPA enforcement action scenarios? If so, how do we bridge this divide?
Bribery of foreign officials is, in the first instance, typically designed to overcome market forces and to distort competition, not to ensure the purchase of the best products at the best price. Whether or not a bridge is the best metaphor, FCPA violations reflect illicit payments that are made to enrich corrupt officials and that shift that cost to consumers and taxpayers. The consistent scenario in FCPA enforcement actions is that an alleged violator, or someone acting on its behalf, did, in fact, pay bribes, often egregious ones.
The most significant “divide” today is the uneven enforcement among signatories to anti-corruption conventions. Whereas the 1980s saw an industry push to repeal or relax the FCPA on the grounds that it was creating a competitive disadvantage for American companies, the more common complaint today is that other countries must consistently and meaningfully enforce their own anti-corruption laws to assure that the proverbial playing field is level.
Many calls to roll back the FCPA are now anomalous, as they would put the United States out of compliance with international conventions that the FCPA inspired and that the United States fought hard to achieve. They also run counter to the anti-corruption momentum of the last 20 years and would effectively legalize some practices that are coming to be universally condemned, if not yet universally punished.
I find that most U.S. multinational corporations would be delighted to compete on the merits. Indeed, some companies are affirmatively using integrity in the marketplace to gain a competitive advantage. Many have voluntarily prohibited “facilitating payments,” even though they are permissible under the FCPA. It is also interesting to note that Siemens, after paying record-shattering FCPA fines and taking aggressive steps to transform its entire corporate culture, has been posting record profits.
What is your reaction to this statement from a recent high-ranking DOJ official - "“the government sees a profitable program, and it’s going to ride that horse until it can’t ride it anymore.” Do you believe that FCPA enforcement has become a government cash cow? FCPA enforcement fines and penalties simply go into the U.S. Treasury. Are there better places for this money accepting the notion that bribery results in victims?
FCPA fines probably don’t rise to the level of a governmental “cash cow.” In fiscal terms, they are of no real moment. The government unfortunately needs some much bigger revenue cows.
I do believe, however, that law enforcement penalties should be a consequence of, not a reason for, enforcing criminal laws. And although penalties have risen, I do not have the sense that revenue production has been a driver of FCPA enforcement.
Your interesting question about whether penalties might be used to compensate the “victims” of corruption is a favorite in developing countries. It highlights the difficulties of tracing, seizing, and repatriating funds that corrupt officials have stolen from their countries. Even where recovery of funds is possible, assuring that they are then used to benefit the citizens who were cheated by official corruption is a challenge. That is, however, the right use of repatriated funds.
Because countries that have been cheated by their own rulers have rarely been able to recover the stolen funds, some have asked whether they should be compensated with funds collected as penalties in anti-corruption enforcement actions. This would be a break from past law enforcement patterns, and the idea appears not to have gained significant traction. The strongest case for making that break probably relates to funds collected as disgorgement of profits rather than pure fines. Indeed, one could argue that it would be more just for the bounties that whistleblowers can now earn under the Dodd-Frank law to go not to whistleblowers, but rather to the countries affected for the benefit of the victims of corruption.
Your response speaks of corrupt “officials,” “official corruption” and “rulers.” Yet, the vast majority of FCPA enforcement actions involve no such individual – rather the alleged recipient of the bribe is an employee of an alleged state-owned or state-controlled enterprise. In these cases, would not the most direct victim be the competitor who lost the contract or did not have the opportunity to bid. Are you in favor of an FCPA private right of action?
In most FCPA violations, there is more than one victim. Competitors can certainly be victims. So can government agencies or instrumentalities that are procuring goods or services. Even where there is an admitted bribe, however, determining which competitors may have been “victims” would undoubtedly be a messy and imperfect process. And allegations of improper payments are far more common than proof of improper payments, as any practitioner knows, and the complications of trying to identify victims and allocate compensation among everyone claiming status as a victim might make us long for the days when the principal issues were simply the ones you have asked about here.
What percentage of internal investigations you have worked on in the past 3-5 years that ended with a conclusion that the company violated the FCPA resulted in a voluntary disclosure? Same question for investigations you worked on during the time period 1995-2005? Why the difference?
Although we have clients who, after weighing all the relevant factors, have elected not to disclose, the percentage of matters that result in voluntary disclosures has plainly been rising. The reasons include changes in the sentencing guidelines, the enactment of Sarbanes-Oxley, greater Audit Committee oversight of investigations, the campaign by enforcement agencies to assure companies that voluntary disclosure and cooperation will result in “tangible benefits,” and the gradually spreading view that this is true, if not numerically predictable.
With Avon's recent disclosure that it has spent over $100 million in professional fees and expenses in connection with an FCPA inquiry and other similar disclosures (albeit perhaps not as dramatic) have professional fees and expenses (law firm, accounting firm, etc.) associated with FCPA internal investigations gotten out of control?
I have to confess to being stunned at some of the reported costs of investigations. To be sure, the costs of investigations have risen with increased emphasis on electronic documents and the insistence that investigations must be independent, thorough, and knowledgeable.
Accepting those requirements, the cost-effectiveness of an investigation can be significantly improved by developing a careful work plan, utilizing a firm with experienced FCPA lawyers at all levels of seniority, tailoring the type of investigation to the type of issue, and making informed and reasonable judgments about when to stop an investigation and focus on remediation. In my experience, it is often possible to have a reasoned and productive dialogue with enforcement agencies about the scope and extent of investigations.
FCPA reform proposals are floating around and are reportedly being considered by certain members of Congress. In your view what reform proposals have merit and what issues are at the top of Homer Moyer's FCPA reform list?
I find some of the calls for statutory reform less than compelling. Proposals to change the statute in ways that would be inconsistent with international conventions to which the U.S. is committed are unlikely to be successful, in my view, and could well open the door to other “reforms” that advocates for change might dislike, such as eliminating the exception for facilitating payments.
To be sure, in enforcing the FCPA, the government tries to overreach from time to time -- exercising anti-bribery jurisdiction over foreign subsidiaries and aggressive applications of dd-3 jurisdictional on the grounds that some step in the process took place “in the territory of the United States” come to mind as occasional examples. When enforcement agencies overreach, they should be challenged.
My dream list of “reforms” might read something like the following:
• Internal DOJ guidance that voluntarily disclosed matters must normally be resolved by the Department within 90 days after completion of an internal investigation; that agencies should make public their calculations of credit for voluntary disclosure and coordination; and that the Department will publish sanitized summaries of its declinations.
• An amendment to tweak the whistle-blower provision of Dodd-Frank to relieve the SEC of the conundrum of implementing the statute consistent with its terms but in a manner that does not undercut effective corporate compliance programs;
• An agreement among prosecutors that in the case of parallel investigations by more than one country, private parties may request state-to-state consultations (as called for by the OECD convention), and the consulting states should assure that investigations are coordinated and penalties made complementary so that companies do not face redundant penalties or unnecessarily overlapping investigations.
• Insistence by the OECD that OECD membership for China, Russia, and India must include accession to the Anti-Corruption Convention, accelerated peer review, and possible reconsideration of OECD membership if implementation and enforcement of anti-corruption laws prove to be insufficient.
• Multilateral reform measures designed to minimize current legal impediments to identifying and seizing funds stolen by corrupt officials and to facilitate repatriation of such funds.
Monday, May 23, 2011
Uneven Justice: A Critical Look at FCPA Enforcement
The week starts with a guest post from Michael Volkov.
Volkov (here) is a partner at Mayer Brown LLP. His practice focuses on white collar defenses, FCPA enforcement and compliance, and litigation. The views expressed in this article are his own and do not represent those of his law firm, Mayer Brown LLP. He can be reached at mvolkov@mayerbrown.com.
*****
UNEVEN JUSTICE: A CRITICAL LOOK AT FCPA ENFORCEMENT
By Michael Volkov
The United States is a nation of laws: badly written and randomly enforced. ~Frank Zappa
Much has been written about the overall fairness of the Justice Department’s and the Securities and Exchange Commission’s aggressive FCPA enforcement program. Some have argued that DOJ and SEC have engaged in uneven justice: corporations plead to non-FCPA offenses, pay big fines, and continue business as usual. Others argue that DOJ has failed to prosecute individual executives and officers, or to ensure that corporations are debarred or suspended from continuing to sell to the federal government.
As a former federal prosecutor with nearly 20 years experience in the criminal justice system, I can assure you that some of the criticisms are accurate but some completely miss the mark. Last year, the Senate Judiciary Committee examined the controversy surrounding FCPA enforcement, and this year the House Judiciary Committee is planning to look at the issue.
DOJ is proud of its enforcement program. And rightly so – they have resuscitated a program which was dormant for years which now collects over one half of all criminal fines imposed each year in the United States. That is an impressive record.
Aside from the fundamental deficiencies inherent in DOJ’s voluntary disclosure process, DOJ claims that it gives adequate credit for corporate compliance programs, early cooperation and full disclosure. In response some suggest that plea agreements which are designed to protect companies from debarment and include pleas to non-FCPA charges are unfair. Part of that point is correct; the other part is flat out wrong.
Our criminal justice system operates day-to-day based on plea agreements. In the federal system, over 90 percent of federal cases are resolved through plea agreements. As part of that process, charge-bargaining is a critical component. DOJ’s decision to permit corporations, or typically country-specific subsidiaries to plead guilty to a non-FCPA offense, is in keeping with this long tradition. The underlying conduct as described in the plea agreement is known to all – the company engaged in systematic and widespread bribery. Nothing more, nothing less. To extrapolate from such a plea that DOJ is not enforcing the law is misguided and ignores the realities of the plea bargaining process.
On the other hand, DOJ’s willingness to forego debarment and/or suspension is certainly an issue that needs to be examined. As Professor Koehler testified at the Senate Judiciary Committee, BAE was awarded a government contract on the same day it plead guilty to a non-FCPA offense but paid a criminal fine over $400 million. That is certainly uneven justice, and Senators and policymakers should have taken note of this ironic enforcement twist.
Senator Specter and others have criticized the Justice Department for failing to include individual corporate executives and officers in its enforcement actions. The Justice Department’s Antitrust Division has a much better record on this score – corporations and individuals are prosecuted in criminal antitrust cases with equal vigor and results. Why has DOJ shied away from linking corporate cooperation to requiring cooperation against individual executives and officers at the offending company?
If the goal of DOJ’s enforcement program is corporate compliance, then the enforcement program needs to be recalibrated. Deterrence is an admirable objective and will certainly increase compliance, but DOJ has more tools available to it to encourage and promote cooperation. DOJ’s antitrust amnesty/leniency is an example of a program which has been incredibly successful on the enforcement and the compliance ends. While there are certainly problems with the application of a cartel-focused (multi-actor) model to FCPA cases, there are lessons which can be learned from the amnesty/leniency program.
We all aspire to equal justice and we all admire the image of justice that is blind as the hallmark of our judicial system. But right now what is needed is for justice to listen so that it operates with fairness and equal justice for all.
Volkov (here) is a partner at Mayer Brown LLP. His practice focuses on white collar defenses, FCPA enforcement and compliance, and litigation. The views expressed in this article are his own and do not represent those of his law firm, Mayer Brown LLP. He can be reached at mvolkov@mayerbrown.com.
*****
UNEVEN JUSTICE: A CRITICAL LOOK AT FCPA ENFORCEMENT
By Michael Volkov
The United States is a nation of laws: badly written and randomly enforced. ~Frank Zappa
Much has been written about the overall fairness of the Justice Department’s and the Securities and Exchange Commission’s aggressive FCPA enforcement program. Some have argued that DOJ and SEC have engaged in uneven justice: corporations plead to non-FCPA offenses, pay big fines, and continue business as usual. Others argue that DOJ has failed to prosecute individual executives and officers, or to ensure that corporations are debarred or suspended from continuing to sell to the federal government.
As a former federal prosecutor with nearly 20 years experience in the criminal justice system, I can assure you that some of the criticisms are accurate but some completely miss the mark. Last year, the Senate Judiciary Committee examined the controversy surrounding FCPA enforcement, and this year the House Judiciary Committee is planning to look at the issue.
DOJ is proud of its enforcement program. And rightly so – they have resuscitated a program which was dormant for years which now collects over one half of all criminal fines imposed each year in the United States. That is an impressive record.
Aside from the fundamental deficiencies inherent in DOJ’s voluntary disclosure process, DOJ claims that it gives adequate credit for corporate compliance programs, early cooperation and full disclosure. In response some suggest that plea agreements which are designed to protect companies from debarment and include pleas to non-FCPA charges are unfair. Part of that point is correct; the other part is flat out wrong.
Our criminal justice system operates day-to-day based on plea agreements. In the federal system, over 90 percent of federal cases are resolved through plea agreements. As part of that process, charge-bargaining is a critical component. DOJ’s decision to permit corporations, or typically country-specific subsidiaries to plead guilty to a non-FCPA offense, is in keeping with this long tradition. The underlying conduct as described in the plea agreement is known to all – the company engaged in systematic and widespread bribery. Nothing more, nothing less. To extrapolate from such a plea that DOJ is not enforcing the law is misguided and ignores the realities of the plea bargaining process.
On the other hand, DOJ’s willingness to forego debarment and/or suspension is certainly an issue that needs to be examined. As Professor Koehler testified at the Senate Judiciary Committee, BAE was awarded a government contract on the same day it plead guilty to a non-FCPA offense but paid a criminal fine over $400 million. That is certainly uneven justice, and Senators and policymakers should have taken note of this ironic enforcement twist.
Senator Specter and others have criticized the Justice Department for failing to include individual corporate executives and officers in its enforcement actions. The Justice Department’s Antitrust Division has a much better record on this score – corporations and individuals are prosecuted in criminal antitrust cases with equal vigor and results. Why has DOJ shied away from linking corporate cooperation to requiring cooperation against individual executives and officers at the offending company?
If the goal of DOJ’s enforcement program is corporate compliance, then the enforcement program needs to be recalibrated. Deterrence is an admirable objective and will certainly increase compliance, but DOJ has more tools available to it to encourage and promote cooperation. DOJ’s antitrust amnesty/leniency is an example of a program which has been incredibly successful on the enforcement and the compliance ends. While there are certainly problems with the application of a cartel-focused (multi-actor) model to FCPA cases, there are lessons which can be learned from the amnesty/leniency program.
We all aspire to equal justice and we all admire the image of justice that is blind as the hallmark of our judicial system. But right now what is needed is for justice to listen so that it operates with fairness and equal justice for all.
Thursday, April 14, 2011
No - The Consistent Answer In DOJ Responses to Senator Questions Regarding FCPA Reform
On November 30, 2010, the Senate Subcommittee on Crime and Drugs (chaired by then Senator Arlen Specter) held a hearing titled "Examining Enforcement of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act." (See here for the prior post).
Following the hearing, Senator Christopher Coons and Senator Amy Klobuchar submitted written questions to Greg Andres (DOJ) - one of the witnesses who testified at the hearing.
The DOJ responses are here.
As evident from the DOJ responses, certain of which are highlighted below, the consistent DOJ response to FCPA-related reform proposals is no.
Profiled below are DOJ's substantive responses to Senator questions regarding mandatory debarment for egregious FCPA violators; a potential FCPA compliance defense; a potential FCPA amnesty program; whether businesses face FCPA uncertainty; whether clarification of the "foreign official" element is needed; and whether the statute's corporate intent element needs revising.
Mandatory Debarment
Does the DOJ favor a "mandatory, conduct-based, debarment remedy for companies that engage in egregious bribery"?
No.
The DOJ says that such "mandatory debarment would likely be counterproductive, as it would reduce the number of voluntary disclosures and concomitantly limit corporate remediation and the implementation of enhanced compliance programs."
In a related question, the DOJ adds that "a mandatory conduct-based debarment for companies could well have a negative impact on the Government's ability to investigate and prosecute transnational corruption effectively." "Linking mandatory debarment to a criminal resolution would fundamentally alter the incentives of a contractor-company to reach an FCPA resolution because such a resolution would likely lead to the cessation of revenues for a government contractor - a virtual death knell for the contractor-company. Similarly, mandatory debarment would impinge negatively on prosecutorial discretion. If every criminal FCPA resolution were to carry with it mandatory debarment consequences, then prosecutors would lose the necessary flexibility to tailor an appropriate resolution given the facts and circumstances of each individual case."
Boiled down to one sentence, the DOJ's opposition to mandatory debarment for egregious FCPA violators seems to be this - it would lessen our FCPA caseload, it would make our jobs more difficult, and it would take away our flexibility and leverage.
This is hardly a convincing argument to the position I articulated at the Senate hearing (see here) that "egregious instances of corporate bribery that legitimately satisfy the elements of an FCPA anti-bribery violation involving high-level executives and/or board participation should be followed with debarment proceedings against the offender."
As I noted in this previous post, H.R. 5366 (which passed the House in September 2010) is not the answer. However, the issue of mandatory debarment, in certain instances, remains a valid and legitimate issue notwithstanding the DOJ's responses.
Compliance Defense
Does the DOJ favor exploring a "formal compliance defense" to the FCPA?
No.
The DOJ "opposes the adoption of a formal compliance defense."
According to the DOJ, it "already considers a company's compliance efforts in making appropriate prosecutorial decisions, and the United States Sentencing Guidelines also appropriately credits a company's compliance efforts in any sentencing determination." "Among other things" the DOJ states, "the creation of such a defense would transform criminal FCPA trials into a battle of experts over whether the company had established a sufficient compliance mechanism." "Against this backdrop, companies may feel the need to implement a purely paper compliance program that could be defended by an 'expert,' even if the measures are not effective in stopping bribery." "If the FCPA were amended to permit companies to hide behind such programs, it would erect an additional hurdle for prosecutors in what are already difficult and complex cases to prove."
As readers likely know, the U.K. Bribery Act, set to go live on July 1st, contains a so-called adequate procedures defense and such a defense should be considered under the FCPA as well.
Amending the FCPA to include a compliance defense is not a new idea. In the mid-1980’s numerous FCPA reform bills included such a defense and provided that a company would not be held vicariously liable for a violation of the FCPA’s anti-bribery provisions by its employees or agents, who were not an officer or director, if the company established procedures reasonably designed to prevent and detect FCPA violations by employees and agents. In fact, an FCPA reform bill containing such a provision did pass the U.S. House.
A compliance defense is not about hiding behind "paper programs" as the DOJ asserts. Rather a so-called compliance defense, one that would be inapplicable in cases such as Siemens, it is about properly incentivizing corporate FCPA compliance and not putting a company at risk of FCPA scrutiny, costly FCPA internal investigations, and the growing collateral consequences of FCPA inquiries should a non-executive employee engage in conduct contrary to a company's pre-existing, published, and trained on FCPA compliance policies and procedures.
Amnesty Program
Is the DOJ in favor of a so-called "amnesty program" as recently advocated by some?
No.
The DOJ says it "does not support the idea of an FCPA amnesty program." Among other things, the DOJ says that "as the beneficiary of [several established sources of information such as voluntary disclosures] the Department does not presently face difficulty in identifying sources of information of FCPA criminal violations." "Consequently, an amnesty program would provide protection for corporations who violate the law without providing accompanying meaningful benefits to law enforcement." "Finally, consistent with the United States Sentencing Guidelines and the Department's Principles of Federal Prosecution of Business Organizations, the Department already provides meaningful credit for voluntary self-disclosures, extraordinary cooperation, and substantial remediation by corporations where appropriate and deserved."
Uncertainty?
Does the DOJ believe that "well-meaning businesses are faced with significant uncertainty as to their potential exposure to civil and criminal penalties under the FCPA?"
No.
The DOJ says that "it provides clear guidance to companies with respect to FCPA enforcement through a variety of means." It lists the DOJ's Lay Person Guide to the FCPA, various charging documents, plea agreements, non-prosecution and deferred prosecution agreements [see here for a recent guest post on prosecutorial common law] and the DOJ's FCPA Opinion Procedure Releases.
The DOJ concludes its response by saying "in the end, a review of the Department's FCPA enforcement actions makes clear that companies have never been charged for minor or incidental issues." "By contrast, the Department's prosecutions involved extensive and often widespread corruption over significant periods of time."
As explored in this prior guest post, in the FCPA's 1988 amendments, Congress directed the DOJ to consider providing formal guidance. However, in 1990 the DOJ declined to issue guidelines and stated as follows. "After consideration of the comments received, and after consultation with the appropriate agencies, the Attorney General has determined that no guidelines are necessary…. [C]ompliance with the [anti-bribery provisions] would not be enhanced nor would the business community be assisted by further clarification of these provisions through the issuance of guidelines."
"Foreign Official"
Does the DOJ agree that statutory clarification of "foreign official" would help clarify to businesses which of their transactions could be subject to the FCPA?"
No.
The DOJ response begins as follows. "The term 'foreign official' has been defined in relevant case law and opinion releases. Some defense attorneys have attempted to argue that the definition of 'foreign official' does not extend to the employees of state-owned or state-controlled enterprises."
For the record, I am not a "defense attorney." See here for my declaration as to the legislative history on "foreign official."
In a related question, the DOJ further stated that it "has provided significant guidance regarding the definition of 'foreign official.'"
Intent
Should the FCPA be amended to "bring the intent standard for corporations in line with the current 'willfulness" standard that applies to individuals?"
No.
The DOJ responded that it "does not believe that it is necessary or appropriate to amend the FCPA's intent standard with respect to corporations." "The Principles of Federal Prosecution of Business Organizations already governs the Department's decisions regarding whether to charge corporations for federal crimes, including under the FCPA." "Furthermore, the Department is not prosecuting FCPA matters where a corporation engaged in something less than willful criminal conduct."
Following the hearing, Senator Christopher Coons and Senator Amy Klobuchar submitted written questions to Greg Andres (DOJ) - one of the witnesses who testified at the hearing.
The DOJ responses are here.
As evident from the DOJ responses, certain of which are highlighted below, the consistent DOJ response to FCPA-related reform proposals is no.
Profiled below are DOJ's substantive responses to Senator questions regarding mandatory debarment for egregious FCPA violators; a potential FCPA compliance defense; a potential FCPA amnesty program; whether businesses face FCPA uncertainty; whether clarification of the "foreign official" element is needed; and whether the statute's corporate intent element needs revising.
Mandatory Debarment
Does the DOJ favor a "mandatory, conduct-based, debarment remedy for companies that engage in egregious bribery"?
No.
The DOJ says that such "mandatory debarment would likely be counterproductive, as it would reduce the number of voluntary disclosures and concomitantly limit corporate remediation and the implementation of enhanced compliance programs."
In a related question, the DOJ adds that "a mandatory conduct-based debarment for companies could well have a negative impact on the Government's ability to investigate and prosecute transnational corruption effectively." "Linking mandatory debarment to a criminal resolution would fundamentally alter the incentives of a contractor-company to reach an FCPA resolution because such a resolution would likely lead to the cessation of revenues for a government contractor - a virtual death knell for the contractor-company. Similarly, mandatory debarment would impinge negatively on prosecutorial discretion. If every criminal FCPA resolution were to carry with it mandatory debarment consequences, then prosecutors would lose the necessary flexibility to tailor an appropriate resolution given the facts and circumstances of each individual case."
Boiled down to one sentence, the DOJ's opposition to mandatory debarment for egregious FCPA violators seems to be this - it would lessen our FCPA caseload, it would make our jobs more difficult, and it would take away our flexibility and leverage.
This is hardly a convincing argument to the position I articulated at the Senate hearing (see here) that "egregious instances of corporate bribery that legitimately satisfy the elements of an FCPA anti-bribery violation involving high-level executives and/or board participation should be followed with debarment proceedings against the offender."
As I noted in this previous post, H.R. 5366 (which passed the House in September 2010) is not the answer. However, the issue of mandatory debarment, in certain instances, remains a valid and legitimate issue notwithstanding the DOJ's responses.
Compliance Defense
Does the DOJ favor exploring a "formal compliance defense" to the FCPA?
No.
The DOJ "opposes the adoption of a formal compliance defense."
According to the DOJ, it "already considers a company's compliance efforts in making appropriate prosecutorial decisions, and the United States Sentencing Guidelines also appropriately credits a company's compliance efforts in any sentencing determination." "Among other things" the DOJ states, "the creation of such a defense would transform criminal FCPA trials into a battle of experts over whether the company had established a sufficient compliance mechanism." "Against this backdrop, companies may feel the need to implement a purely paper compliance program that could be defended by an 'expert,' even if the measures are not effective in stopping bribery." "If the FCPA were amended to permit companies to hide behind such programs, it would erect an additional hurdle for prosecutors in what are already difficult and complex cases to prove."
As readers likely know, the U.K. Bribery Act, set to go live on July 1st, contains a so-called adequate procedures defense and such a defense should be considered under the FCPA as well.
Amending the FCPA to include a compliance defense is not a new idea. In the mid-1980’s numerous FCPA reform bills included such a defense and provided that a company would not be held vicariously liable for a violation of the FCPA’s anti-bribery provisions by its employees or agents, who were not an officer or director, if the company established procedures reasonably designed to prevent and detect FCPA violations by employees and agents. In fact, an FCPA reform bill containing such a provision did pass the U.S. House.
A compliance defense is not about hiding behind "paper programs" as the DOJ asserts. Rather a so-called compliance defense, one that would be inapplicable in cases such as Siemens, it is about properly incentivizing corporate FCPA compliance and not putting a company at risk of FCPA scrutiny, costly FCPA internal investigations, and the growing collateral consequences of FCPA inquiries should a non-executive employee engage in conduct contrary to a company's pre-existing, published, and trained on FCPA compliance policies and procedures.
Amnesty Program
Is the DOJ in favor of a so-called "amnesty program" as recently advocated by some?
No.
The DOJ says it "does not support the idea of an FCPA amnesty program." Among other things, the DOJ says that "as the beneficiary of [several established sources of information such as voluntary disclosures] the Department does not presently face difficulty in identifying sources of information of FCPA criminal violations." "Consequently, an amnesty program would provide protection for corporations who violate the law without providing accompanying meaningful benefits to law enforcement." "Finally, consistent with the United States Sentencing Guidelines and the Department's Principles of Federal Prosecution of Business Organizations, the Department already provides meaningful credit for voluntary self-disclosures, extraordinary cooperation, and substantial remediation by corporations where appropriate and deserved."
Uncertainty?
Does the DOJ believe that "well-meaning businesses are faced with significant uncertainty as to their potential exposure to civil and criminal penalties under the FCPA?"
No.
The DOJ says that "it provides clear guidance to companies with respect to FCPA enforcement through a variety of means." It lists the DOJ's Lay Person Guide to the FCPA, various charging documents, plea agreements, non-prosecution and deferred prosecution agreements [see here for a recent guest post on prosecutorial common law] and the DOJ's FCPA Opinion Procedure Releases.
The DOJ concludes its response by saying "in the end, a review of the Department's FCPA enforcement actions makes clear that companies have never been charged for minor or incidental issues." "By contrast, the Department's prosecutions involved extensive and often widespread corruption over significant periods of time."
As explored in this prior guest post, in the FCPA's 1988 amendments, Congress directed the DOJ to consider providing formal guidance. However, in 1990 the DOJ declined to issue guidelines and stated as follows. "After consideration of the comments received, and after consultation with the appropriate agencies, the Attorney General has determined that no guidelines are necessary…. [C]ompliance with the [anti-bribery provisions] would not be enhanced nor would the business community be assisted by further clarification of these provisions through the issuance of guidelines."
"Foreign Official"
Does the DOJ agree that statutory clarification of "foreign official" would help clarify to businesses which of their transactions could be subject to the FCPA?"
No.
The DOJ response begins as follows. "The term 'foreign official' has been defined in relevant case law and opinion releases. Some defense attorneys have attempted to argue that the definition of 'foreign official' does not extend to the employees of state-owned or state-controlled enterprises."
For the record, I am not a "defense attorney." See here for my declaration as to the legislative history on "foreign official."
In a related question, the DOJ further stated that it "has provided significant guidance regarding the definition of 'foreign official.'"
Intent
Should the FCPA be amended to "bring the intent standard for corporations in line with the current 'willfulness" standard that applies to individuals?"
No.
The DOJ responded that it "does not believe that it is necessary or appropriate to amend the FCPA's intent standard with respect to corporations." "The Principles of Federal Prosecution of Business Organizations already governs the Department's decisions regarding whether to charge corporations for federal crimes, including under the FCPA." "Furthermore, the Department is not prosecuting FCPA matters where a corporation engaged in something less than willful criminal conduct."
Friday, January 14, 2011
On Point
Two recent Q&A interviews in Law360 with leading white-collar practitioners caught my eye.
George Terwilliger (here) is a partner in the Washington D.C. office of White & Case and global head of the firm's White Collar Practice Group. Terwilliger is a former U.S. Attorney, Deputy Attorney General and Acting Attorney General.
In a recent interview with Law360, Terwilliger was asked "what aspects of law in your practice area are in need of reform, and why?"
Terwilliger responsed as follows: "I represent many companies who get caught up in the ever-widening net of federal criminal offenses arising from ordinary business activity that runs afoul of government regulatory requirements or dictates. In many such cases, and as in most cases, there is room for reasonable disagreement on the application of relevant legal standards to the salient facts. But because of the collateral consequences of drawn-out investigations and/or of conviction after trial, few if any companies have the opportunity to adjudicate such reasonable disputes before a judge or jury. Consequently, prosecutors, who are entirely appropriately zealous advocates for their side of the case, also become judge and jury in determining an appropriate resolution of the matter. In a system where rule of law is determined by adversarial process, this state of affairs results in an imbalance that is not healthy for the cause of justice."
Stephen Jonas (here) is a partner in the Boston office of WilmerHale and chairman of the firm's Investigations and Criminal Litigation Practice Group. He is also a former state prosecutor.
In a recent interview with Law360, Jonas was similarly asked "what aspects of law in your practice are in need of reform, and why?"
Jonas responded, in pertinent part as follows. "One area greatly in need of reform, in my view, is the investigation of alleged health care fraud. This is an area in which the government regularly secures enormous settlements, starting in the tens of millions of dollars, and now exponentially expanding to the billions of dollars. Virtually every pharmaceutical company has now been subjected to one or more of these investigations and the results are predictable — enormous monetary contributions to the federal government. I find it hard to believe that wrongdoing is so rampant in this industry that every company has at least several hundred million dollars worth of it. The more likely answer is that these settlements often have far more to do with the leverage the government enjoys than the merits of what the company did or didn’t do. In order to stay in business, pharmaceutical and medical device companies must be able to sell products that can be paid for by Medicaid and Medicare. But a conviction for a health care offense would result in exclusion of the companies from federal health insurance and essentially a death sentence for their business. So they cannot afford to fight even the most debatable of charges. One of the results is that novel legal theories and sketchy evidence will never be tested in a court of law and negotiated settlements (under threat of exclusion) serve as “precedent” for the next case. That is a system badly in need of reform."
One statement is generic, the other relates to health fraud, but both are directly on point when it comes to Foreign Corrupt Practices Act enforcement. (See here for my recent Facade of FCPA Enforcement piece in which I make several similar arguments in terms of FCPA enforcement).
With the pharma industry sweep currently in full force, Jonas's comments, I suspect, will be even more "on point" in the coming months as numerous pharma and other health care related companies are expected to reach, what will no doubt be, multi-million FCPA settlements that will likely be resolved via resolution vehicles subject to little or no judicial scrutiny. The government will bring in millions, the news will dominate the headlines for a few days, and then the question will be asked - did the conduct at issue even violate the FCPA?
Richard Cassin at the FCPA Blog recently highlighted a "corporate investigations list" (see here). It listed 72 companies "known to be the subject of an ongoing and unresolved FCPA-related investigation."
Similar to Jonas, I find it hard to believe that wrongdoing is so rampant that seemingly every major company has at some time run become the subject of FCPA scrutiny or run afoul of the FCPA.
There is a much bigger picture relevant to this new era of FCPA enforcement and it is this new era that is in need of urgent reform.
My own two cents, which I will elaborate on in the future, is that the answer to the problem of enforcement agencies enforcing (in many cases) the FCPA contrary to the intent of Congress and based on dubious legal theories is largely not to amend the FCPA - this will solve very little. The more fundamental question remains - how to rein in the enforcement agencies and to force judicial scrutiny of FCPA enforcement actions?
George Terwilliger (here) is a partner in the Washington D.C. office of White & Case and global head of the firm's White Collar Practice Group. Terwilliger is a former U.S. Attorney, Deputy Attorney General and Acting Attorney General.
In a recent interview with Law360, Terwilliger was asked "what aspects of law in your practice area are in need of reform, and why?"
Terwilliger responsed as follows: "I represent many companies who get caught up in the ever-widening net of federal criminal offenses arising from ordinary business activity that runs afoul of government regulatory requirements or dictates. In many such cases, and as in most cases, there is room for reasonable disagreement on the application of relevant legal standards to the salient facts. But because of the collateral consequences of drawn-out investigations and/or of conviction after trial, few if any companies have the opportunity to adjudicate such reasonable disputes before a judge or jury. Consequently, prosecutors, who are entirely appropriately zealous advocates for their side of the case, also become judge and jury in determining an appropriate resolution of the matter. In a system where rule of law is determined by adversarial process, this state of affairs results in an imbalance that is not healthy for the cause of justice."
Stephen Jonas (here) is a partner in the Boston office of WilmerHale and chairman of the firm's Investigations and Criminal Litigation Practice Group. He is also a former state prosecutor.
In a recent interview with Law360, Jonas was similarly asked "what aspects of law in your practice are in need of reform, and why?"
Jonas responded, in pertinent part as follows. "One area greatly in need of reform, in my view, is the investigation of alleged health care fraud. This is an area in which the government regularly secures enormous settlements, starting in the tens of millions of dollars, and now exponentially expanding to the billions of dollars. Virtually every pharmaceutical company has now been subjected to one or more of these investigations and the results are predictable — enormous monetary contributions to the federal government. I find it hard to believe that wrongdoing is so rampant in this industry that every company has at least several hundred million dollars worth of it. The more likely answer is that these settlements often have far more to do with the leverage the government enjoys than the merits of what the company did or didn’t do. In order to stay in business, pharmaceutical and medical device companies must be able to sell products that can be paid for by Medicaid and Medicare. But a conviction for a health care offense would result in exclusion of the companies from federal health insurance and essentially a death sentence for their business. So they cannot afford to fight even the most debatable of charges. One of the results is that novel legal theories and sketchy evidence will never be tested in a court of law and negotiated settlements (under threat of exclusion) serve as “precedent” for the next case. That is a system badly in need of reform."
One statement is generic, the other relates to health fraud, but both are directly on point when it comes to Foreign Corrupt Practices Act enforcement. (See here for my recent Facade of FCPA Enforcement piece in which I make several similar arguments in terms of FCPA enforcement).
With the pharma industry sweep currently in full force, Jonas's comments, I suspect, will be even more "on point" in the coming months as numerous pharma and other health care related companies are expected to reach, what will no doubt be, multi-million FCPA settlements that will likely be resolved via resolution vehicles subject to little or no judicial scrutiny. The government will bring in millions, the news will dominate the headlines for a few days, and then the question will be asked - did the conduct at issue even violate the FCPA?
Richard Cassin at the FCPA Blog recently highlighted a "corporate investigations list" (see here). It listed 72 companies "known to be the subject of an ongoing and unresolved FCPA-related investigation."
Similar to Jonas, I find it hard to believe that wrongdoing is so rampant that seemingly every major company has at some time run become the subject of FCPA scrutiny or run afoul of the FCPA.
There is a much bigger picture relevant to this new era of FCPA enforcement and it is this new era that is in need of urgent reform.
My own two cents, which I will elaborate on in the future, is that the answer to the problem of enforcement agencies enforcing (in many cases) the FCPA contrary to the intent of Congress and based on dubious legal theories is largely not to amend the FCPA - this will solve very little. The more fundamental question remains - how to rein in the enforcement agencies and to force judicial scrutiny of FCPA enforcement actions?
Thursday, January 13, 2011
James Doty and FCPA Reform
The SEC recently appointed James Doty to be the new chairman of the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board. (See here).
Before FCPA reform was the thing to talk about, Doty was talking about FCPA reform.
Doty's recent appointment caused me to re-read his 2007 article (here) "Toward a Reg. FCPA: A Modest Proposal for Change in Administering the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act."
Most troubling, Doty writes, are: (i) trends in the imposition of civil liability on a parent issuer for acts of a subsidiary's employee or agent in the absence of active complicity of the parent, and in some cases where the actions of employees and agents contravene established, company wide policies; (ii) prosecution on aggressive legal theories extending beyond traditional bribery (which underscore the need for prospective regulatory clarification of permitted activities), and (iii) the expansive criminalization of vicarious liability under a vague statute, in some cases where there is not certainty that a bribe has been offered or paid by the corporation."
The issue as Doty saw it, "is whether our law enforcement agencies should be left to devise their own, case-by-case interpretation of the FCPA, without the rigor of greater regulatory clarity and the benefits of more consistent administrative interpretation."
How did we get this point even in 2007?
Doty notes that the "current state of affairs reflects the confluence of a number of enforcement developments. Among other things: (i) the SEC is increasingly pursuing substantive bribery charges against the corporate parent, in addition to focusing, as usual, on enforcement of the books and records and internal controls provisions of the FCPA; (ii) non-litigated settlement orders are aggressively expanding the range of conduct subject to the statute; (iii) DPAs, which have been used in this context only since 2004, have become virtually commonplace; (iv) linkage of FCPA charges to other Exchange Act charges is becoming more aggressive."
Doty states as follows. "Aggressive enforcement, based on an expansive interpretation of a vague statute, a little-used DOJ opinion process, and the temptation perhaps to assume that more draconian criminal enforcement is better, have all led to a lack of predictability in law enforcement and, in the author's view, some incorrect application of the standards. [...] Consistency and predictability are not matters of grace granted to corporate citizens at the government's pleasure; the government owes consistency and predictability to public corporations that are attempting to accomplish complex tasks in difficult foreign venues, and to management and directors who want to know the 'how-to-do-it' of compliance in these circumstances." (emphasis in original).
Stating that "vagueness and ambiguity are the DNA of the FCPA," Doty "does not advocate repeal or weakened enforcement of the FCPA," but states that "support for the policies of the FCPA does not require turning a deaf ear to warnings about the increased costs associated with current enforcement practices under the statute."
Absent reform, Doty writes, "there is a policy vacuum in which law is developed on an ad hoc basis by Assistant U.S. Attorneys and by the Staff of the SEC and DOJ as they respond to the exigencies of particular factual situations."
Doty's 2007 reform proposal?
So-called Regulation FCPA - a permissive filing regime whereby, in pertinent part, an issuer "would benefit from a regulatory presumption of compliance" and thus "protect itself, its senior management and its board of directors from vicarious, general corporate liability" in the FCPA context.
As Doty writes, "for a company to avail itself of the benefits of Reg. FCPA, it would be required to establish an FCPA Compliance Program designed to prevent and detect, insofar as practicable, any violations. The company would also be required to certify that it has, to the best knowledge and belief of its certifying officers, reasonably discharged the duties and obligations under the program, and that the company is not aware of continuing, unremedied violations."
Doty states, that "as with any regulatory safe harbor, the claimant would have the burden of demonstrating compliance with the conditions" and that "upon satisfying these conditions, the company would be presumed not to have violated the statute" a presumption that "could be rebutted by a preponderance of the evidence."
Doty's proposal of course, would not completely solve the FCPA enforcement problems he identifies. For starters, so-called Reg. FCPA would only apply to issuers. Yet Doty's proposal does bear many similarities to a so-called "adequate procedures defense" embodied in the U.K. Bribery Act and an FCPA reform proposal currently under consideration here in the U.S.
Although Doty's new PCAOB job functions are not FCPA specific, when a high-ranking SEC official was previously critical of key aspects of FCPA enforcement, and when those criticisms remain even more valid today, well, I think we should all take notice.
Before FCPA reform was the thing to talk about, Doty was talking about FCPA reform.
Doty's recent appointment caused me to re-read his 2007 article (here) "Toward a Reg. FCPA: A Modest Proposal for Change in Administering the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act."
Most troubling, Doty writes, are: (i) trends in the imposition of civil liability on a parent issuer for acts of a subsidiary's employee or agent in the absence of active complicity of the parent, and in some cases where the actions of employees and agents contravene established, company wide policies; (ii) prosecution on aggressive legal theories extending beyond traditional bribery (which underscore the need for prospective regulatory clarification of permitted activities), and (iii) the expansive criminalization of vicarious liability under a vague statute, in some cases where there is not certainty that a bribe has been offered or paid by the corporation."
The issue as Doty saw it, "is whether our law enforcement agencies should be left to devise their own, case-by-case interpretation of the FCPA, without the rigor of greater regulatory clarity and the benefits of more consistent administrative interpretation."
How did we get this point even in 2007?
Doty notes that the "current state of affairs reflects the confluence of a number of enforcement developments. Among other things: (i) the SEC is increasingly pursuing substantive bribery charges against the corporate parent, in addition to focusing, as usual, on enforcement of the books and records and internal controls provisions of the FCPA; (ii) non-litigated settlement orders are aggressively expanding the range of conduct subject to the statute; (iii) DPAs, which have been used in this context only since 2004, have become virtually commonplace; (iv) linkage of FCPA charges to other Exchange Act charges is becoming more aggressive."
Doty states as follows. "Aggressive enforcement, based on an expansive interpretation of a vague statute, a little-used DOJ opinion process, and the temptation perhaps to assume that more draconian criminal enforcement is better, have all led to a lack of predictability in law enforcement and, in the author's view, some incorrect application of the standards. [...] Consistency and predictability are not matters of grace granted to corporate citizens at the government's pleasure; the government owes consistency and predictability to public corporations that are attempting to accomplish complex tasks in difficult foreign venues, and to management and directors who want to know the 'how-to-do-it' of compliance in these circumstances." (emphasis in original).
Stating that "vagueness and ambiguity are the DNA of the FCPA," Doty "does not advocate repeal or weakened enforcement of the FCPA," but states that "support for the policies of the FCPA does not require turning a deaf ear to warnings about the increased costs associated with current enforcement practices under the statute."
Absent reform, Doty writes, "there is a policy vacuum in which law is developed on an ad hoc basis by Assistant U.S. Attorneys and by the Staff of the SEC and DOJ as they respond to the exigencies of particular factual situations."
Doty's 2007 reform proposal?
So-called Regulation FCPA - a permissive filing regime whereby, in pertinent part, an issuer "would benefit from a regulatory presumption of compliance" and thus "protect itself, its senior management and its board of directors from vicarious, general corporate liability" in the FCPA context.
As Doty writes, "for a company to avail itself of the benefits of Reg. FCPA, it would be required to establish an FCPA Compliance Program designed to prevent and detect, insofar as practicable, any violations. The company would also be required to certify that it has, to the best knowledge and belief of its certifying officers, reasonably discharged the duties and obligations under the program, and that the company is not aware of continuing, unremedied violations."
Doty states, that "as with any regulatory safe harbor, the claimant would have the burden of demonstrating compliance with the conditions" and that "upon satisfying these conditions, the company would be presumed not to have violated the statute" a presumption that "could be rebutted by a preponderance of the evidence."
Doty's proposal of course, would not completely solve the FCPA enforcement problems he identifies. For starters, so-called Reg. FCPA would only apply to issuers. Yet Doty's proposal does bear many similarities to a so-called "adequate procedures defense" embodied in the U.K. Bribery Act and an FCPA reform proposal currently under consideration here in the U.S.
Although Doty's new PCAOB job functions are not FCPA specific, when a high-ranking SEC official was previously critical of key aspects of FCPA enforcement, and when those criticisms remain even more valid today, well, I think we should all take notice.
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